《明史·礼志》史实考误

张廷玉《(明史·礼志》是迄今影响最大的专门记载明代礼制的史志文献,但其中也存在诸多史实讹误,这大大影响了其可信度和史料价值.经据《明实录》、《明会典》、《皇明典礼志》、《昭代典则》、《太常续考》、《辛L部志稿》等文献考证,可知该《志》中华书局1974年点校本第47-53卷仍然存在史实讹误21处.其致误之直接原因,大致有脱漏、衍文、字形相近而误等情形;但根本原因还是缘于编纂、刻印和传抄者的疏忽与粗心.     

青海大通县出土汉代玻璃的研究

本文共对12件玻璃样品进行化学组成分析.其中,部分样品还进行了密度测定,X 射线衍射分析和显微镜观察.此外,还对一颗黄色玻璃珠的表面层进行 SEM-EDX 分析.结果表明,该玻璃珠表面有金箔涂层.根据分析结果,青海大通县出土玻璃的基础成分可归为三类,即铅钡玻璃(Na_2O-PbO-BaO-SiO_2系统玻璃),钠钙玻璃和钾硅玻璃(K_2O-SiO_2系统)。此外,还对玻璃的来源进行了探讨.     

重庆市大足区锅盖坡宋墓清理简报

2002年9月,为配合重庆市大足区城北环二路的修建,大足石刻研究院对报恩村锅盖坡发现的两座仿木建筑结构宋墓进行了抢救性清理,墓内发现花卉纹、启门、孩童嬉戏等雕刻,出土少量"祥符元宝"铁钱、棺钉及铁环、碎瓷片等物。孩童嬉戏雕刻与大足石刻北山摩崖造像136窟所刻极为相似,体现了大足地区石窟艺术的历史传承性,也为研究墓葬与摩崖造像的联系提供了实物资料。该墓葬发现铁钱、石狮托棺台和M2墓中独具特色的华拱藻井和"四叶花窗"图样,在大足境内宋代墓葬尚属首次发现,为研究大足两宋社会生活提供墓葬和实物的新材料。     

南朝法华经普门品变相——论刘宋元嘉二年铭石刻画像的内容

自东晋至南朝，观音信仰已普及民间，名称由光世音转变为观世音，刘宋元嘉二年铭石刻画像正值过渡期，其内容所示，南朝佛教不仅具有贵族佛教的性格，而且已存在于极为平民化的信仰基础之上。     

西汉铜座漆耳杯及相关问题的讨论

南京博物院院藏的一件汉代铜座漆耳杯，风格与蜀汉产品极其相近，由此可见当时各地的文化交流和商品流通之一斑。     

晚明文艺思潮对绘画的影响─—徐渭、董其昌比较研究

本文以徐渭和董其昌作为个例分析，讨论了晚明文艺思潮对当时绘画风格、形式变化的影响。     

Lead Isotope Analyses Revealed the Key Role of Chang'an in the Mirror Production and Distribution Network During the Han Dynasty

Chang'an (now Xi'an) was the capital of the Western Han Dynasty and the starting point of the Silk Road. In the light of the importance of Chang'an as the centre of politics, economy and cultural interaction, the overarching question proposed in this paper is focused on its role in the mirror production and distribution network during Han period. On the basis of chemical and lead isotopic analyses of 34 Han mirrors, this paper discusses the potential existence of a mirror production centre in Chang'an. Meanwhile, a comparative study with mirrors uncovered from the south‐western frontier and from Central Asian and North‐East Asian countries offers new insight into these related issues.     

On Meng Sen’s teaching and lecture notes of Ming and Qing history at Peking University during the 1930s

ABSTRACT

While teaching the histories of the Ming and Qing dynasties, Meng Sen (1869–1937), developed three textbooks in the 1930s: Lecture Notes on the Ming History (明史讲义 Mingshi jiangyi), Lecture Notes on the Qing History (清史讲义 Qingshi jiangyi), and Lecture Notes on the History of the Founding of the Manchu State (满洲开国史讲义 Manzhou kaiguo shi jiangyi). In these book titles, the term “history” refers specifically to “standard history.” In tracing Meng Sen’s original intention in producing these textbooks, all three works suggest the author’s desire to write history. He wrote Lecture Notes on the Ming History to prepare a future revision of the History of the Ming (明史 Mingshi); similarly he wrote Lecture Notes on the Qing History and Lecture Notes on the History of the Founding of the Manchu State with the intention to revise the Draft History of the Qing (清史稿 Qingshi gao). Meng Sen summarized Sima Guang’s (司马光, 1019–86) view of history as “imitating the good and avoiding the bad,” which he believed represented the “essential meaning of history.” Meng followed Sima Guang’s model in compiling the Lecture Notes on the Ming History and Lecture Notes on the Qing History, as shown in their style and format. By comparison, his writing of the Lecture Notes on the History of the Founding of the Manchu State attempted to merge the traditional annals–biographic style with narrative history from the West, or to pour old wine into a new bottle. Meng Sen presented his innovative efforts at Peking University, introducing young scholars to standards for history writing, and doing his utmost to guide and encourage his students; some of whom became noted scholars in the study of Ming and Qing histories.     

How to Surpass the Qin

In the famous chapters on the flaws of the Qin (221–207 BCE) dynasty, Jia Yi (200–168 BCE) deals with the reasons for the Qin’s defeat. This article, grounded in previous scholarship, will analyze Jia Yi’s discussion of the fall of the Qin and will show that the negative depiction of Qin policies was part of Jia Yi’s strategy for implementing the political agenda of the Han. Moreover I argue that the Guo Qin lun, or “To Surpass the Qin,” is not simply a historical analysis, but a political treatise that also deals with: (1) heeding the advice of meritorious ministers; (2) persuading the emperor to apply policies to bring tranquility to the people.     

The Daoguang Response to the Āfāqī khoja Jahāngīr during the 1826–1828 Jahāngīr Uprising

This study examines Qing state attention to the Muslim challenger Jahāngīr, leader of Xinjiang’s 1826–1828 Jahāngīr Uprising. It considers how imperial agents, guided by Emperor Daoguang, defined and processed this contender, as well what this rendering implied for views of “Hui Frontier” Muslims. As will be seen, Jahāngīr was depicted as not just “treacherous” and duplicitous, but also an external “barbarian.” This image – crafted from military reports, imperial edicts, confessions, ritual, sentencing, and punishment – served to clarify a narrative with two salient characteristics. First, the khoja was set as the keystone of the conflict, the management of whom signaled a restoration of imperial integrity. Second, he was differentiated from local Turkic Muslims “Hui,” who (with ambiguity) were framed as Qing subjects. This rendering mirrored earlier Qing (esp. Jiaqing Reforms) depictions of borderland rebel leaders, suggestive of a solidification of the “idea” of Xinjiang as interior to the empire.