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61.
向燕南 《史学月刊》2002,3(10):5-11
明至清前期,随着海外关系的变化,史学也表现出不同的特点。明前期,皇朝海外关系是建立在“宣威柔远”政治目的基础之上的。这种关系因郑和一下西洋”的活动达到高潮,史学则因此出现了几部反映这种海外关系特点的著作。晚明,倭患问题与私人违禁进行海外商贸等问题交织在一起,经权衡利弊,皇朝开始改变初期的海禁政策,私人海外贸易迅速发展;与此同时.西方殖民者东来,与中国开始发生直接的接触;随着传教士“精神狩猎”的开始,中西文化交流逐渐展开。这些海外关系的特点,都在史学中得到体现。清前期是海外关系大倒退的时期,中西文化交流逐渐偃息,史学的发展也受到影响。  相似文献   
62.
湖北秭归何家坪遗址发掘简报   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
何家坪遗址位于湖北省秭归县郭家坝镇楚王井村11组。1996~2000年,湖北省文物考古研究所分三次对遗址进行了发掘。三次发掘面积1600平方米,清理新石器时代至明代墓葬5座、灰坑3个、窑址1处,出土了陶、石、瓷、银、铜、铁等不同质料的文化遗物百余件。该遗址年代跨度长,遗存特征比较典型,是三峡地区一处比较重要的考古发现。  相似文献   
63.
The nature of these newspaper reports – that is, the character of their principal content – has never been studied, despite its obvious importance and, as we shall see, its marked differences from our Hansard. This article relates their nature to a vital feature of parliamentary leadership, the ability to lead the argument in debate. The practical reasoning in parliamentary deliberation and justification, especially what speakers contributed towards the outcome or ‘the sense of the debate’, predominated in these reports. This implied a need for reporters to concentrate on the ‘substance’ of speeches and their bearing on the motion. One result was that speeches which were judged to define or develop arguments pro and con were treated at length, the defining speeches most extensively and others in proportion to what they added. Conversely, speeches which reiterated known positions or which were irrelevant to the arguments in hand were omitted or downplayed, even if they were important in some other way, while whole debates which added little to ongoing discussion could be treated quite briefly. But if being a front bencher did not guarantee coverage, being a back bencher was no bar: the criterion was the importance of a speaker's contribution, while the manner of coverage accented what was contributed. The reporters’ concerns emphasized debates that promised significant change in matters of national importance, but gave relatively little attention to recurrent or localised business as such. Their writing – they were known as debate writers or news-writers – was interpretation answering to evaluative and selective criteria rather than a record in a simple sense. Their work is not to be understood in the same terms as a modern Hansard, and in particular not as a defective Hansard, but rather is such that it requires further work on a wide range of new research questions if it is to be understood to best effect, a requirement which suggests a need to study it critically before using it as source material.  相似文献   
64.
Joseph Parkes, Birmingham solicitor, electoral agent, whig party advisor and secretary to the Parliamentary Municipal Corporation Commission was a modern master of exposing corrupt and fraudulent electioneering and using it as a catalyst for the election of reform and Liberal politicians immediately following the 1832 Reform Act. Warwickshire's own political and legal history was the foundation for Parkes's understanding of how politics worked in Britain and what was wrong with it, and helped forge his vision for an effective reform in parliamentary and local government. This essay examines Joseph Parkes's understanding of national electoral politics, informed by his work in Warwickshire. As a local solicitor, Parkes gained the wisdom of controlling electoral registration, canvassing in a routine and orderly manner and establishing a network of professionals to secure that registrations turned into votes at elections. This experience would culminate in the formation of the Reform Club, a national organisation of whigs, Liberals and radicals, that would, eventually, become the base of the Liberal Party in modern British politics. In short, Joseph Parkes was a man who could not, and did not wish to, escape where he came from, at least in terms of his political education. His Warwickshire experiences and lessons learned, solidified a series of political reform goals that he pragmatically approached as a political advisor, operative and attorney, rather than an elected public servant, and marked the direction of politics for the rest of the century.  相似文献   
65.
Abstract

The Ordnance Survey's Boundary Survey, carried out between 1841 and 1888, was a major undertaking which resulted in the local administrative boundaries of the whole of Great Britain being reliably mapped for the first time. This was not achieved by imposition but by the use of local knowledge of boundaries, thus making permanent a communal memory of administrative geography and rendering it globally accessible through maps. The Boundary Survey aided the reform of local government areas, a process which started during the same period and provided derived data for the burgeoning collection of statistics in the nineteenth century.  相似文献   
66.
This article examines the political history of the parliamentary borough of Ripon between the Great Reform Act of 1832 and the Second Reform Act of 1867. It challenges the notion that Ripon remained a ‘pocket borough’ during this era; rather, the Reform Act rendered Ripon's politics much more open, vibrant and participatory than they had been during the ‘unreformed’ era. In demonstrating this, the article calls into question the alleged prevalence of ‘pocket boroughs’ in the reformed era.  相似文献   
67.
以工代赈是中国古代传统的救荒方法,明代继承了这种赈济手段。明代的工赈主要由地方政府来组织进行,地方富民(士绅)也在其中扮演了重要角色,但国家缺乏相应统一的政策和制度。明代中后期,随着地方财政收入的多样化和人们认识的转变,工赈获得了更加广泛的运用。明代工赈虽然在实际运用中取得了较好地效果,大批饥民得以生存,但并没有突破其"临时性"的特征,因此其局限性仍然明显。  相似文献   
68.
晚明是中国古代舆论最活跃的时期,其中又以东林党的舆论力量最为显著。从万历初年到天启末年,东林党人的舆论活动经历了三个阶段。东林党围绕官员诠选、官员考察、对阁臣的批判、以学术促清议等方面开展了一系列舆论活动,其主张在邸报发抄、印刷刻传和书信交流等方式的扩散之下,迅速流通于士林。东林党以舆论为载体,形成了与朝廷对峙和对话的政治力量。东林党的舆论活动加剧了明政府的党争态势,加速了官僚系统的分裂,不利于政治局面的稳定。但东林党的舆论主导了当时的社会思潮,对社会风气尤其是士大夫的气节产生了一种鼓舞作用。  相似文献   
69.
明代的茶果银是一种重要的历史现象,有礼仪、贿赂和赋税三种性质。茶果在人际交往和祭祀神灵的过程中起着重要作用,有时用银钱代替实际的茶果,于是产生了礼仪性质的茶果银。明朝制度虽然禁止征收茶果银,但贿赂性质的茶果银实际上广泛存在,并造成严重危害。赋税性质的茶果银由礼仪和贿赂性质的茶果银演变而来,到清代成了正规的赋税。  相似文献   
70.
As soon as Zhu Yuanzhang, the founder of the Ming Dynasty, assumed the throne, he and his Confucian assistants imposed a system of clothing regulation on the court and society in order to create a hierarchical power structure. As an important aspect of Chinese civilization, the clothing system functioned to form a social hierarchy, to regulate people’s activities, to harmonize the relations among the people, and finally to make a stable society under the close control of the state. The state control in the Ming remained effective until the reigns of Hongzhi (1488–1506) and Zhengde (1506–1521), when commercialization released people’s consumption desires and economic dynamics and caused deregulation of the Ming clothing system, which eventually undermined the state authority.  相似文献   
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