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21.
个体日常活动行为的时空特征及秩序反映出个体对空间利用的时空需求。本文选取潮州古城作为案例地,以周末为典型日,采用日常活动地图收集居民与游客活动数据,基于活动分析法及Arc GIS空间分析从流动、分布与状态三个方面探究大型旅游社区的主客活动秩序。研究结果表明:古城的空间功能在原有的生活功能基础上演化出旅游功能,并保持着主客活动的秩序性,但其流动模式由于交通管制条例的约束及主客的共同占用,暗藏潜在矛盾;由于主客活动意图的不同,决定了活动安排上时间与空间的错位,在时空资源配置上表现出"分时共地"、"共时异地"的嵌合特征;"共时共地"之时,由于古城的空间足以容纳主客的活动,加之"商业性好客"的驱使,使得主客活动仍能保持秩序化。由于潮州古城具有着相对独立的社区结构,社区旅游发展成为社区秩序重构的重要机遇,合理的规划内容和途径能有效促进旅游社区生活功能与旅游功能的协调,在利益主体的协商与适应中构建了主客活动的新秩序。  相似文献   
22.
白凯  王晓娜 《人文地理》2018,33(5):133-142
通过探索性分析,初步建构并检验了旅游劳工移民地方融入的组成结构;以丽江古城为实证研究案例地,关联分析了社会氛围对旅游劳工移民地方融入的影响关系。结果表明:经验主义视角下旅游劳工移民的地方融入是人、活动、地方三者相互作用的结果,涵盖感知性融入(地方评价)、功能性融入(活动参与)及情感性融入(地方依恋)三个方面,且三者所建构的地方融入结构具有较好的可靠性和外部有效性;社会氛围与旅游劳工移民的地方融入呈显著性正相关。  相似文献   
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This article explores the evolving use of Maccabaean ideas in sources concerning the conduct of Christian holy warfare between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries. It demonstrates that the memory of the Maccabees and other Old Testament exemplars played an important role in shaping the idea of crusading and its subsequent evolution to encompass new frontiers in the Baltic and Iberia, as well as structural developments in crusading, such as the establishment of the military orders.  相似文献   
25.
淮西节度使在安史之乱初期设立时,与其他内地藩镇并没有大的区别,其设置的最主要目的,是为了平定中原地区的战乱,而且也确实发挥了一定的作用。之后,它经历了复杂的变迁,区域不断缩小,直至剩下三州之地。但是它与中央对抗的趋势却更加明显,其主要原因在于藩镇制度下它与中央对地方利益的争夺,区域内部的胡化只是一个浅层的诱因。这一地区的经济、社会基础及区位条件也为它提供了支持。唐王朝以藩镇体制之外的手段,使用武力将它平定,迎来了自己短暂的"中兴",却无法避免之后的更加衰落乃至灭亡。  相似文献   
26.
徐州卫遗址位于徐州市中心彭城广场东侧,西距彭城路100米,北到大同街(图一),为明代徐州卫官署所在地。徐州市博物馆于2004年11月6日至2005年9月对该遗址进行了抢救性考古发掘。该遗址文化层深约3米,厚约5米。从上至下依次为明代  相似文献   
27.
This article explores the contemporary global network of US military bases. This paper examines how the geography of this network is shaped not only by military objectives but also by resistance from allied governments and communities adjacent to bases. Using examples from Guam, Puerto Rico, Okinawa and other locales this paper examines how local resistances to US bases have caused the Department of Defense to increasingly rely on non-sovereign islands as sites for bases. These sites, military strategists believe, will enable the military to train without hindrance and to operate without the need for consultation with allies. These colonies, however, are also sites were military activities are actively resisted. The resulting base network is thus shaped not only by global military priorities, but also by an increasingly globalized network of local social movements resisting militarization.  相似文献   
28.
江苏句容下蜀中心山土墩墓发掘简报   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2009年2月~4月,南京博物院在江苏句容中心山发掘了一座春秋早期土墩墓,发现祭祀器物群1处、墓葬1座和房址1座。器物群器物出土时破碎严重,属有意识打碎。墓葬堆土成坑。房址位于墓葬下方,主体由基槽和基槽内柱洞组成,为截面呈人字形的两面坡式建筑,有长方形过道,其与墓葬及祭祀器物群的位置关系值得研究。  相似文献   
29.
For a long time, the late period of the Habsburg Monarchy has been characterized as a battlefield of nation-building elites who employed historical scholarship (among other means) to promote nationalistic ideas. More recent studies, however, have examined and called attention to the powerful structures which held this monarchy together. In the age of historicism, the Habsburg Monarchy also needed a plausible historical narrative on which it could base claims of the legitimacy of its rule. This narrative was created first and foremost by Viennese historians. Yet there were historians in the Habsburg Monarchy’s regional centres who made significant contributions to the development of concepts of an imperial history, too. In this article, the author examines their efforts. Until around 1900, supranationalism and regionalism were the dominant concepts in the historical writings of the authors in the Military Frontier and Bukovina and also in the works of the renowned Prague historian Anton Gindely. Loyal to Vienna, some Hungarian historians reassessed national history in order to reconcile it with the imperial past. Transnational history was also a method of demonstrating the congruity of national and imperial interests. In the age of high nationalism, historians thus contributed to both national and imperial cohesion.  相似文献   
30.
This article deals with the relationship between the democratic transformations in Czechoslovakia after 1918 and 1989 and the armed forces. The democratic ideal of transformation seemed to be alien to the military institution, which upheld the old regime and paradigmatically represented undemocratic patterns of governance. In order to accommodate the popular demand to ‘abolish’ the army, the new political elite strived to initiate an institutional transformation that would re-legitimize the armed forces. Whereas after 1918 the military improved its reputation by changing into a ‘school of nation’, after 1989 the military, expected to become fully professional, went through a period in which its inner organisational culture was liberalized and personal freedoms of the soldiers were strengthened. The decline of previous authorities and the rise of civic self-confidence connected to the process of democratisation also led to the demoralisation of the soldiers. The liminal phase of military transformation was marked by the experience of the first ‘post-war war’, the Czechoslovak-Hungarian War in 1919 and the Gulf War in 1991, which indicated the needs of the new security environment and gave the idealistic thinking about the democratic military a touch of reality.  相似文献   
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