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91.
把思想建设摆在党的建设首位,是中国共产党的历史选择和重要优势,是党提高创造力、凝聚力和战斗力的重要经验,是党领导革命、建设和改革伟大事业的理论支撑。中国共产党始终坚持思想建党的原则,坚持以马克思主义及其中国化理论成果武装全党并用以指导实践,使之成为全党和全国人民团结奋斗的共同思想基础。同时,强调思想建设要正确对待党内思想斗争、认真解决思想领域存在的突出问题。 相似文献
92.
新中国成立初期,第一届全国卫生工作会议制定了团结中西医的卫生工作方针。但是在执行中,却出现了歧视限制中医的错误倾向。毛泽东和中共中央及时发现和纠正了这一错误倾向,使团结中西医的卫生工作方针得到了全面落实。毛泽东和中共中央的相关论述及措施对中医药事业的发展具有重要的历史意义和现实意义。 相似文献
93.
除四害这一概念最早出现在《农业十七条》中,提出的初衷不仅是为了提高人民群众的健康水平,更是为了增加国家的粮食产量。毛泽东对除四害运动极为重视,亲自领导了这场运动的宣传工作和纲领性文件的修改工作,还把这场运动列入了《工作方法六十条》。在中央的重视下,除四害运动于1957年冬和次年上半年达到高潮。除四害运动为消灭蚊、蝇、鼠等病媒生物以预防和控制传染病的传播,提高人民群众的身体健康水平发挥了积极作用。但这场运动并未带来粮食增产。除四害运动具有明显的急躁冒进的时代特征,在一定程度上破坏了人与自然的和谐发展。 相似文献
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95.
《Political Theology》2013,14(4):525-544
AbstractThe tradition of official Catholic Social Teaching, which emerged within the context of the European social question, has since expanded to incorporate developmental issues of the Two-Thirds World. This is shown in the social encyclicals of Pope John XXIII, but more significantly in the Vatican II Pastoral Constitution, Gaudium et spes, and the social documents of Popes Paul VI and John Paul II. In these writings, the principle of solidarity is a significant feature—both for discussions of the European social question, and in engaging with the problems of poverty and underdevelopment in the Two-Thirds World. This paper accepts that the principle of solidarity occupies a central position in Catholic social thought. It argues, however, that the ever-increasing poverty, exploitation and despair in the Two-Thirds World challenges our ethical and theological conceptualizations of solidarity. This paper intends to examine the use of the solidarity principle both in Gaudium et spes and in the social encyclicals of John Paul II. It will also raise the question whether their formulations and insights are adequate in confronting the ever-expanding challenges of international poverty and underdevelopment. 相似文献
96.
阮家新 《中国文物科学研究》2013,(3):52-58
今年3月,纽约邦瀚斯拍卖公司拍出一批与西安事变相关的原始文献及其他资料共8种数1 0件,其中最为珍贵而引人关注的是彭德怀、毛泽东以中国工农红军第一方面军司令员、政治委员的名义写给张学良的信函,毛泽东、洛甫(张闻天)、周恩来、博古(秦邦宪)等中共中央领导人写给张学良的信函、红军与东北军的《抗日救国协定》以及张学良关于处理后事的手记等几个文件.兹根据拍卖公司在网上公布的照片和介绍,对前三个文件作如下初步考证和评估. 相似文献
97.
《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(2):127-145
The foreign relations of modern China, starting from the birth of the People's Republic in 1949 until the Cultural Revolution, can be said to have had continuous ups and downs and twists and turns. Its underlying abstruse principles, while stemming from nationalism, contained for the most part the Chinese Communist Party's own revolutionary principles and individual revolutionary experiences. The Chinese Communist revolution was based on class analysis and class conflict, on struggle and ideology. This ideology determined how China viewed itself and the world; no views could be separated from the ideology of class struggle and class analysis. The leadership's adherence to this type of ideology led to the long-term instability of China's diplomacy. Though those who, like Mao Zedong, employed class revolution in order to seize political power while viewing class analysis, class struggle, and in particular the success of using class ideology in a united front policy as the magic wand of the revolution's success, were singularly able to adapt such views to China's foreign policy and diplomacy. This became the fundamental red line for China's foreign policy. 相似文献
98.
《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(2):165-181
This paper examines and analyses the causes and consequences of the Cultural Revolution in China. This great twentieth century Chinese trauma cannot be detached from Mao as a person. He was its initiator and – as a charismatic leader – stood above the people and the party, and in the consciousness of the majority of the people was perceived as a great, compelling leader. This paper traces the historical setting, the causes, the process and the consequences of this tremendous political and social movement. In addition, the role of Mao and the concepts of his followers are scrutinized. Finally, the issue of whether or not the Cultural Revolution should be classified as a “revolution” is discussed. 相似文献
99.
Liao Jiang 《Tourism Geographies》2016,18(5):483-502
Literature and geography are closely related in the worlds of consumption and mobility, and literature is often used as a resource for the tourism industry. The reading and consumption of literature, therefore, are related to visitation of a real place, and the roles of readers and tourists merge. The case of one literary tourism site, the San Mao Teahouse in the ancient town of Zhouzhuang in China, is selected to explain the complexity of reading and geography consumption in literary tourism. Observations and in-depth interviews were used to collect the data, and then the thematic analysis method was used. The study finds that tourists can also actively participate in the construction of literary places at destinations where relevant texts do not exist. In this kind of literary place, consumption occurs in multiple spaces as a result of tourists’ reading combined with geographical consumption. This study proposes a conceptual framework to analyze the geography consumption of literature in tourist destinations. The results show that the main geography consumption is reflected in three aspects, namely text, reality, and imagination. Based on their previous reading experiences, readers explore both the literary text and the reality. In this process, their imaginations always have an effect. Two distinguishing features have been found: first, through actively reading and decoding literary geography, the readers recreate a new fictionalized reality based on their imaginations. Second, the readers pursue the imaginative process from the real Zhouzhuang back to an imagined place that San Mao wrote about. The study contributes to the current literary geography research field, especially from the perspective of consumption. The study also provides a new perspective on literature in the modern world and practical implications for the design of literary tourist products and literary heritage conservation. 相似文献
100.
《剑桥中华人民共和国史》提出的毛泽东“为巩固自己在党内的领导地位”而“一边倒”,高岗问题也是影响毛泽东作出“一边倒”决定的重大因素等观点,是值得商榷的。“一边倒”是新中国国家利益的需要。 相似文献