遵义会议前中共中央高层权力的转移:对毛泽东领导权威形成的历史考察

斯大林和共产国际鉴于中共中央屡屡出现的"路线错误",以留苏学生担纲改组了中共最高领导层。以博古为首的临时中央,是"国际路线"不折不扣的执行者。第五次反"围剿"的失败,使"国际路线"的正确性受到怀疑,"国际派"内部也顿生罅隙。毛泽东在长征途中争取了"国际派"成员张闻天、王稼祥的支持,在政治局中结成"小三人团"。红军湘江惨败后,中央最高"三人团"的威信直落谷底,出现严重的信任危机。在红军存亡之际,毛泽东提出新的进军路线,得到多数人的赞同。周恩来继张、王之后,转向毛泽东一边,瓦解了最高"三人团"的最后抵抗。由此,中央的实际权力开始转到了"小三人团"的手里,为遵义会议的召开和改组中央领导机构,做好了组织上的铺垫。     

The basic structure of Chiang Kai-shek's diplomatic strategy

As a leader of the Republic of China, Chiang Kai-shek carried on Sun Yat-sen's legacy of using diplomacy as a force in the modern era and planned to rely on diplomacy to revise China's unequal treaties with foreign powers. Chiang elaborated on Sun's ideas and maintained that diplomacy as a war without battles worked more effectively than wars with battles. Faced with the threat of Japanese invasion, he upheld the strategy of using one foreign country to control another. He expected the outbreak of a war between Japan and the Soviet Union or between Japan and the United States so that a war between Japan and China could be avoided. Chiang engaged in active diplomacy aimed at turning these expectations into reality. His diplomatic strategy had an impact during the Anti-Japanese War.     

The evolution of the Chinese Communist Party's policy on the bourgeoisie (1949–1952)

From its very beginning, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had a shifting policy towards the bourgeoisie. Until the early 1940s, it maintained a relatively stable policy which successfully isolated the monied classes in China and helped it overthrow the rule of the KMT. But with the establishment of the new regime, the CCP Central Committee came under conflicting pressures: on the one hand it continued its former policy out of political expediency; on the other hand, based on traditional socialist political theory and Soviet experience, it kept a close watch on the bourgeoisie and even proposed targeting them as the chief enemy of next revolution. After the establishment of the PRC, as a result of the failing economy and the new government's lack of economic support and political experience, the CCP firmed up its policies on the bourgeoisie. However, with the bourgeoisie and capitalism still prominent elements in Chinese society, the communists became uncertain about which direction to take. As the CCP Central Committee had anticipated, officials of both the party and the government often gave way to corruption after taking over major cities. The Central Committee regarded this particular combination of money and power as a “violent attack” against the new communist regime by the bourgeoisie as a whole. In order to tighten its grip on national power, the Central Committee launched two anti‐corruption movements known as the Three‐Antis and the Five‐Antis. These movements were in fact aimed at the bourgeoisie as a whole, and succeeded in destroying the basis for capitalist business in the New China. Encouraged by this outcome, the CCP launched a policy of socialist transformation aimed at depriving Chinese capitalists of their means of production. Thus the CCP gradually and inevitably moved away from its original policy of cooperation with the national bourgeoisie.     

Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai at the dawn of the People's Republic

As the founders of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai dedicated themselves to the construction of the new country. Mao Zedong drew up the overall strategies for China and Zhou Enlai was responsible for their concrete implementation. They had good working relations. At the same time, Mao and Zhou had different opinions and disagreed on certain issues, as it was natural to have different perspectives and thinking. Despite sharing a common objective to carry out a socialist modernization, they slightly disagreed on priorities.     

毛泽东致罗学瓒的一枚明信片考释

1918年8月11日，毛泽东给罗学瓒写了封明信片，此信不仅是一幅书法艺术佳作，更是研究中共党史和毛泽东早年思想、活动的一份珍档。毛泽东缘何要写这封信？此信背后到底尘封了一段怎样的历史？本文对此信的写作背詈及由来作一翔实考释。     

毛泽东"共同富裕"思想解读

早在建国之初,毛泽东就已明确提出了共同富裕的概念,并积极地探索具体的实现道路与模式。从农业合作社到人民公社的发展与演变真实地反映了他的富裕观和价值取向。一方面他以生产关系的升级来努力寻求现实中的平等发展与同等富裕,另一方面他又把经济的富裕与革命精神、道德建设对立起来,从而陷入取舍两难的矛盾之中。     

论永嘉事功学派的史学思想

永嘉事功学派是南宋浙东史学的重要分支 ,在史学思想上具有经世致用、经史并重、求真务实等基本特征 ,对当时以及后世史学的发展都有深远的影响     

钱牧斋、钱孙保、毛子晋及其他－－读黄裳《来燕榭书跋 钱牧斋先生尺牍》

本文对毛晋汲古阁刻本《后汉书》题记的作者问题进行了辨析,澄清了自缪荃孙以来形成的错案。对钱谦益晚年与毛子晋之间的关系问题提出了自己的意见。     

《毛诗正义》标点琐议

本文对北京大学出版社1999年出版的《毛诗正义》标点本的若干标点问题提出了自己的看法。     

对中国特色社会主义理论体系与毛泽东思想关系的再认识

党的十七大报告未将毛泽东思想纳入中国特色社会主义理论体系,不仅没有降低毛泽东思想的历史地位和价值,而且有利于人们从整体上去完整系统地学习和掌握毛泽东思想,有利于从中国特色社会主义理论体系与毛泽东思想的继承发展关系上更清晰地梳理中国特色社会主义理论体系的形成脉络,有利于更好地发展中国特色社会主义。理解中国特色社会主义理论体系与毛泽东思想的关系,应该坚持联系的、历史的和辩证的方法,以免孤立地、静止地和片面地看问题。