中国当代民主政治建设研究--以1954年宪法为例

在现代社会的民主法制建设中宪法的制定是核心环节.共和国历史上有过4部宪法,1954年宪法在其中占据着重要地位.它不仅在人民群众参与的深度和广度上以及采纳意见的实际效果上创造了世界制宪史上的壮举,而且在继承和发展<共同纲领>的基础上确立了中国式宪法的基本结构和规范.     

重评共产国际指导中国大革命的路线

中国大革命是在联共政治局和共产国际直接指导下进行的。在此期间 ,联共政治局会议专门讨论中国革命问题 1 2 2次 ,做出了 73 8个决定。指导中国大革命的基本路线和方针、政策 ,几乎全部来自莫斯科 ,并且由莫斯科派驻中国的代表、顾问亲自执行 ;只有一小部分是在他们的代表严密监督下由陈独秀为首的中共中央执行。 1 92 3— 1 92 5年 ,莫斯科提出的路线基本上是正确的 ;1 92 5年秋开始发生右倾化的转变 ,最后导致了大革命的失败。     

中国共产党夺取全国胜利原因的现代化思考

从现代化的角度看,中国共产党能够领导中国人民夺取全国胜利,主要有三个相互联系方面的原因：1．把对社会结构的彻底改造任务与争取国家独立和领土完整的任务有机地结合起来,从而最终实现了现代化政治领导权力的转变;2．能够按照其制定的彻底改造社会结构的纲领和路线,脚踏实地地深人到农村变革中去,从而为进一步在整体上推动中国社会转型和现代化奠定了牢固的社会基础;3．把传统(民族性)和现代性有机地融为一体,从而为中国的现代化提供坚强的精神支柱。这说明,建立新民主主义社会,进而走社会主义现代化道路,是中国人民符合世界历史和中国社会发展规律的选择,也是在理论上和实践上对马克思主义现代化理论的丰富和发展。     

刘少奇毛泽东新民主主义社会构思之比较

建国前后,刘少奇与毛泽东在新民主主义社会发展前途、党的领导地位、中心任务、国营经济的领导成份等重大治国方略上有一致的认识,这是他们从同样的政治理念思考重大问题必然得出的结论;在关于新民主主义社会发展战略实施步骤、对城乡私人经济的具体态度上有不同的看法,这是他们各自探索的客观反映。     

Voter Behaviour in Rural Areas: A Study of the Farrer Electoral Division in Southern New South Wales at the 1998 Federal Election

The National (Country) Party, traditional beneficiary of a countrymindedness ethos in rural and regional Australia, suffered a significant electoral setback at the 1998 federal election from a new conservative force in Australian politics, the One Nation Party. One Nation has been characterised as the party of the ‘old’ Australia, those least able to cope with the pace of recent social and economic changes, rationalisation and centralisation of services and the exodus of people from rural and regional areas. Such a characterisation is supported by findings from this study of the geography of voting and the social correlates of One Nation's support base in the Farrer electoral division in south‐western New South Wales.     

The Cold War Politics of Cultural Minorities: Jews and Sorbs in the German Democratic Republic, 1976-1989

This article compares cultural identity politics relating toJews and Sorbs in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from1976 to the collapse of communism in 1989. Drawing on stateand party sources, oral histories, literature and documentsfrom the Ministry for State Security (Stasi), it juxtaposesstate constructions of minority identities with the views andactions of Jewish and Sorbian students, writers and intellectuals.In its first three decades, the East German Communist party(SED) generally treated Jewish culture with suspicion or indifferenceand often conflated Jewishness with the capitalist West. Incontrast, the party celebrated a folkloric vision of Sorbianculture that linked Germany with the Slavic East. By the mid-1980s,the SED altered its posture towards Jews and Sorbs. In the GDR'sfinal decade, SED officials attempted to cultivate Jewish culturewhile viewing Sorbs with increased suspicion. The main reasonfor this shift was that SED officials placed Cold War foreignpolicy concerns over Marxist–Leninist ideological consistency.Treatment of Sorbs worsened as Sorbs forged ties with dissidentsin other Eastern Bloc nations. Meanwhile, celebrations of Jewishculture aimed to improve the GDR's ties with Western Europeby embracing Western Holocaust memory. The article also showsthat SED efforts to cultivate minority cultural identities oftenbackfired at the grassroots level. The minority cultural imagespromoted by the state often had little resonance outside leadershipcircles. Average GDR citizens frequently grew disenchanted withSED cultural minority policies, ultimately helping by the 1980sto destabilize the regime.     

北伐前广东农民运动中国民党的身份冲突与调谐简

北伐前国民党在广东兼有执政党与国民革命党的双重身份,在广东农民运动中,存在冲突。在国民革命的背景下,国民党中央倾向于支持农民阶级的利益诉求,以换取农民对国民革命的支持。但作为基础不牢的执政党,为维持政权稳定,国民党不敢也不能将斗争的矛头直接指向掌控乡村政权的士绅地主阶层。孙中山、廖仲恺等国民党领袖采取了渐进式的农民运动发展策略,试图在革命与维稳之间维持平衡,调谐革命与执政的身份冲突。但农民运动有自身的发展逻辑,农民斗争的演进轨迹超出国民党领导层的预期,党政各方自觉不自觉地卷入农民与地主的激烈斗争中。广东革命政权完全巩固以前,左派的主张占据上风,且因农民运动有力地支持了统一战争,国民党对农民运动大体持积极态度。“中山舰事件”后,维稳的需要压倒了革命的信念,中派控制的国民党中央态度转为消极。     

“三党竞斗”:中共在高校中建党的背景分析

在中国革命史上,共产党、青年党和国民党纵横捭阖,在一定程度上决定了中国政党政治发展的格局和走势。而三党竞斗的一个重要交汇点,就在于争取青年学生。在此后20多年三党循环敌对和相互抗衡中,中共广泛运用思想交锋、党团制度、统一战线等斗争策略,从而确保其在国、青两党的攻击下立于不败之地。     

Best Practice und Worst Case? Der Umgang mit der Hochschulzeitgeschichte an der Universität Jena und der Humboldt‐Universität: ein exemplarischer Vergleich

Best Practice vs. Worst Case? How East German Universities Deal with their Contemporary History: the Humboldt University of Berlin and the University of Jena. East German universities are often criticized for a lack of efforts to come to terms with their own history in the GDR. Two universities are regularly compared to illustrate the chances and shortcomings in this field: while the University of Jena is considered as very active in dealing with their own contemporary history the Humboldt University of Berlin is claimed to have substantial deficits. As a part of a general survey of the efforts of East German universities concerning their own contemporary history this contrastive picture is examined. It can be shown that the main differences between the two universities are less the intensity of historical self‐reflection but rather the thematic focus and the forms of presentation.     

“经济利益不是生活的全部”——理查德·亨利·托尼的资本主义批判

托尼的《宗教与资本主义的兴起》与韦伯的《新教伦理与资本主义精神》齐名,但是却反映了两种立场。与韦伯标榜中立的学术研究态度不同,托尼在他一系列学术著作和政论文中对资本主义进行了尖锐批评,也在他的政治活动和毕生关注的工人教育中努力实践自己的社会公平理想。在托尼看来,资本主义在本质上是与人的尊严相抵触的,是对财富的顶礼膜拜,是把一部分人看做充当工具的阶级,同时允许另一部分人利用他人为工具来达到致富目的。在资本主义不平等的社会结构中,教育不平等是其中的一个重要环节。把教育当做赚钱的勾当就等于把上帝的天赐拿去卖钱。他对哈耶克的经济自由主义进行了反驳,认为真正让人们奴化的,包括让专业人士和知识分子猥琐化的,恰恰是资本主义制度固有的贪婪。