中共十六大与八大的比较研究

八大是中国共产党成为执政党后召开的第一次全国代表大会,这次代表大会分析了生产资料所有制的社会主义改造基本完成后的形势,提出了全面开展社会主义建设的任务,在指导思想、政治路线和组织路线上都有重要建树,对探索中国特色社会主义的道路产生了深远的影响。十六大是中国共产党执政52年后在新世纪召开的第一次全国代表大会,也是中国共产党在开始实施社会主义现代化建设第三步战略部署的新形势下召开的一次具有深远影响的重要大会。对八大和十六大进行比较研究,可以发现其一脉相承的内在联系,可以加深对十六大确立的指导思想、奋斗目标、组织路线的认识。     

新要求 新布局 新举措——党的十七大关于加强党的建设的创新

立足新的历史起点,以改革创新的精神加强党的建设,是时代的发展对执政的中国共产党所提出的崭新课题。党的十七大基于新的历史条件,对执政党的自身建设进行了全面部署。深入探讨和全面把握党的十七大关于加强党的建设的新要求、新布局和新任务,对于我们继续推进党的建设新的伟大工程具有极其重要的意义。     

党报要积极应对网络媒体的挑战

网络媒体的迅速发展,使传统媒体的生存与发展面临着日益严峻的挑战和考验。在当代日趋剧烈的市场竞争态势下,如何以应时创新的姿态求得自身的发展与壮大,不断满足人民群众日益增长的精神与文化需求,这是党报工作者必须进行深入思考的现实课题。     

根据中国具体情况决定建国方针--刘少奇新民主主义经济思想再研究

把马克思主义普遍真理同中国具体实践相结合,是关乎中国命运且又常论常新的基本课题.民主革命时期,党的七大树起把马克思主义普遍真理与中国革命具体实践相结合的伟大旗帜--毛泽东思想,使中国民主革命很快取得胜利.中华民族获得独立解放后,继续坚持这一原则尤为重要.建国前后,刘少奇关于新民主主义经济思想的探索和发展变化过程,非常典型地说明了这个问题.他在探索过程中反复强调"我们的问题要根据中国具体情况决定",这是中共三代领导集体所始终坚持的重要思想基本原则,至今仍有重要借鉴意义.     

构建和谐政党关系要解决的几个问题

构建和谐的政党关系,即执政党与参政党之间的和谐政党关系,核心的问题是坚持不坚持及如何坚持中国共产党的领导,关键的问题是要进一步提高及如何提高民主党派的政党能力,基础的问题是努力营造现代民主政治的文化氛围。     

关于党报创新的思考

目前,党报受到网络等新兴媒体的冲击,加之自身发展的困境,使党报亟待创新。今后,党报要进一步在理念、内容以及版面形式上创新,以增强竞争力,促进党报的发展。     

“文化主体属于人民”思想是中国共产党文化思想的基石

中国共产党在90年长期的革命和建设实践中,逐步深化完善了“人民当家作主”和“文化主体属于人民”的思想,这对中华文化的发展,融入现代化是一伟大贡献。 在当前的社会条件下,这一观念得到了进一步的升华。由政治概念发展为法律观念,由执政理念发展为国家层面的价值理念。通过对这一问题的梳理,指出中国共产党在观念上,在实践中,都必须遵循人民主体的原则,把顺应人民的道义作为主流文化的历史使命。     

Communists and the 1948 War: PCP,Maki, and the National Liberation League

This paper analyzes the way in which Palestine's Jewish and Arab communist parties, the PCP-Maki and the National Liberation League, acted during the 1948 war. Both groups made separate and different efforts to make the two-state solution a reality as originally conceived in the UN partition plan. Ironically, the decisive Jewish victory in the war resulted in an asymmetry between the Jewish Communists the Palestinian Communists when they were unified toward the end of the 1948 war. Despite Maki's labors for an Israeli victory, its standing in the nascent Israeli political system toward the end of the war remained marginal. The concept of Jewish–Arab cooperation under the aegis of the USSR was seen by the Zionist establishment as dangerous and subversive.     

Empires ancient and modern: strength,modernity and power in imperial ideology from the Liberal period to Fascism

This article examines the image of Empire developed in public discourse in Italy during the late Liberal period and Fascism by placing it in the context of representations of the British Empire, with which Italian imperial ambitions were compared. There is a continuity in seeing the British Empire as the expression of industrial and commercial modernity and its resultant strength, but what in the Liberal period was seen as an unparalleled superiority became under Fascism a supremacy acquired in a particular period but now exhibiting signs of decline, which Fascism should contest and surpass. Admiration of the British was mixed with disparagement: key figures expressed a competitive resentment towards Britain and its dominant international position, seeing it as the epitome of ‘modern’ imperial power against which Fascism was destined to be measured. In the 1930s signs of the British Empire's decline were sought, developing the idea in Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire that British domination would also rise and fall, and announcing the replacement of the ‘British order’, founded on commercial modernity and the strength of money and capital, by Fascism's new civilisation, with its authentic heritage of imperial romanità. This competitiveness towards Britain, which historiography has principally seen as a component of foreign policy (as was clear over Ethiopia), has additional significance when seen as an element of political culture that relates to the concept of the State. The autonomy and strength of the State were an important feature of Fascism's self-representation and of its legal culture, and in this light the possession of an empire came to be seen as an essential aspect of statehood and power.     

中国共产党的国家建设目标历史演进分析

90年来,中国共产党围绕争取民族独立、人民解放和实现国家繁荣富强、人民共同富裕这两大历史任务,提出了多个既相联系又有区别的国家建设目标。新民主主义革命时期,面临半殖民地半封建的国情,中国共产党提出要建设一个独立、自由、民主、统一、富强的新中国;获得全国执政地位后,在社会主义革命和建设时期,中国共产党提出要建设社会主义现代化强国的国家建设目标;改革开放历史新时期,立足于总结社会主义建设的经验教训,中国共产党又提出了走中国式现代化道路,建设富强、民主、文明、和谐的社会主义国家的新目标。