浅谈新形势下党报的发展

党报作为新闻媒体的主力军,在新形势下其发行率和市场份额受到极大冲击。党报人只有适时更新理念,才能更好地为党的各项事业服务,真正完成好引导舆论导向的特殊使命。     

关于提高党刊影响力的几点思考

社会的发展和深刻变革,使现阶段党刊的发展面临着一些值得高度关注的问题。适应时代要求提高党刊的社会影响力,必须牢固树立党刊注重权威和关注民生的理念,以创新的内容和手段着力增强党刊的吸引力．以健全的机制始终保持党刊的生机与活力,以科学的管理和一流的编辑队伍不断提高党刊的竞争力。     

二战前后英国工党外交政策的转变

第二次世界大战前后,由于国际格局的变迁,英国工党的外交政策发生了很大变化。理想主义是战前工党外交政策的主调,在国际问题的处理上它信奉集体安全政策,主张发挥国际联盟的作用,反对重整军备。经过第二次世界大战,工党逐渐接受了丘吉尔战时政府的现实主义外交原则,战后初期工党执政后,在外交政策方面摒弃了过去的理想主义,把现实的国家利益作为外交政策的重点。工党政府推动美国参加欧洲防务,借助美国的力量建立起欧洲均势,满足了国家安全的现实需要。在非殖民化问题上,工党政府同样从现实主义出发,撤出了印度和巴勒斯坦。从战前的理想主义到战后的现实主义,工党外交理念的变化在某种程度上反映了这一时期英国外交的演变过程。     

与时俱进锐意进取为创新党的干部教育事业而努力奋斗

50年来,中共青海省委党校在干部教育培训、理论研究和教职工队伍建设、信息化建设、基础设施建设等方面,取得了可喜的成绩,有效地发挥了“三个阵地、一个熔炉”和干部培训轮训的“主渠道”作用。总结50年的奋斗历程,我们深刻地认识到:党校工作必须适应党和国家工作大局的需要,促进建设中国特色社会主义伟大事业和新时期党的建设伟大工程的发展;党校教育必须适应干部成长规律的要求,有针对性地开展教学培训工作,促进和帮助各级干部全面健康成长。面向未来,我们必须以科学发展观为统领,坚定不移地贯彻党的基本理论、基本路线、基本纲领和基本经验,以提高党的执政能力和加强党的先进性建设为重点,把建设高素质干部队伍作为全部工作的出发点和落脚点,不断探索和实践具有时代特征的干部教育培训工作的新方法、新途径,努力使党校的办学理念、教学内容、学科发展、队伍建设、综合管理等更好地体现时代性、把握规律性、富于创造性。     

Managers and Agents: Conservative Party Organisation in the 1850s*

During the 1850s in the wake of the calamitous Peelite split, Britain's Conservative Party struggled to rebuild its numbers in the house of commons. The structure of the party's electoral organisation is well known‐parliamentary leaders, election managers such as Sir William Jolliffe and Philip Rose, plus local constituency based agents. Jolliffe's and Rose's 1859 election notebooks help understand this, but they also reveal serious gaps in the Conservatives' information networks. This article delineates the electoral activities of Sir John Yarde Buller (first Baron Churston) and his ally Samuel Triscott, who supplemented the spasmodic flow of information from small boroughs in at least two counties. Mid‐level or second‐tier managers, to whom no attention has previously been given, assisted the Conservatives in their gradual electoral recovery. Their roles also suggest that the party's organization may have been more complex than previously believed.     

The Archbishop of Canterbury,the Episcopal Bench,and the Passage of the 1911 Parliament Act

The passage of the 1911 Parliament Bill ended the power of the British house of lords to veto any legislation passed by the house of commons. Henceforth, it could only delay the passage of a measure. The bill was carried by a mere 17 votes and friction between Unionists who took up die‐hard opposition, advised abstention, or actively sought to aid passage was bitter. The role which the archbishop of Canterbury played in canvassing the episcopal bench and helping to ensure final passage of the bill has not attracted much attention. Prior to the debate, the archbishop advised abstention but did not dissuade others from encouraging bishops to support the bill to help ensure passage. Before the vote, therefore, ‘die‐hards’ opposing any concession to the government, ‘hedgers’ advising Unionist abstention in the vote, and ‘rats’, Unionists willing to vote for the bill to ensure passage despite personal reservations, attempted to sound out and pressure the bishops in their direction. At the debate, the archbishop changed his mind and decided he must support the bill in order to avoid a greater crisis, and 12 other bishops joined him in the government lobby, helping to create the final majority of 17 by which the measure passed. Consideration of the role of the bishops adds to the understanding of the mechanics by which the bill passed, amidst considerable intrigue, pressure and acrimony, as well as further illuminating the extent and intensity of the divisions within the Unionist party at this critical moment.     

‘The Party Hack,and Tool of the British Government’: T.P. O'Connor,America and Irish Party Resilience at the February 1918 South Armagh By‐Election

The common view of Irish electoral politics for the 1916 to 1918 period is one of major decline for the traditional nationalist representatives, the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), and the meteoric rise of the newly reconstituted Sinn Féin party; culminating in the latter's overwhelming victory at the December 1918 general election. By examining the February 1918 South Armagh by‐election campaign, this article argues that the Irish Parliamentary Party, which won the contest, was much more resilient than is often acknowledged. Through detailed analysis of election pamphlets, newspaper articles, private correspondence and committee minutes, it considers the significance of the grass‐roots strength of both in the form of their local organisations, the role of the Roman catholic church, and the election strategies of the two parties; in particular Sinn Féin's vilification of the IPP member, T.P. O'Connor, who was in America at the time of the contest.     

1954—1961年朝鲜实习生来沪培训述论

朝鲜战争后,根据中朝双方签订的经济及文化合作协定,大批朝鲜实习生于1954—1961年来到中国接受培训。中国有关部门、上海各实习工厂自上而下地构建起相应的组织管理体系,为朝鲜实习生顺利完成培训任务创造了良好的条件,并在日常生活方面对他们给予了周到细致的照顾,探索建立了一套行之有效的培训体系,使朝鲜实习生回国时大多具备了一定的专业技术能力,有的还在某些领域取得了突出的成绩,为朝鲜国民经济的恢复和发展培养了不可或缺的技术人才。     

对如何看待党在新中国成立后至十一届三中全会前所犯错误的一点补充

认识、分析、撰写党在新中国成立后至十一届三中全会前所犯的错误,很重要的一条是正确分析和评价毛泽东同志在这一过程中所起的作用和应负的责任。这不仅是尊重历史客观的需要,也是正确总结教训、以资今日之鉴戒所必需的。     

观察新中国的一个视角——试析龙须沟治理与新中国形象

新中国建立以后,北京市人民政府把保障人民身体健康和治理落后地区作为施政的切入点,在百废待兴、财力有限的情况下克服众多困难,花费巨额资金治理龙须沟和进行相关建设,明显改善了居民的生活和居住环境,凸显了人民政府的新形象,赢得了人民的衷心拥护,激发了人民群众建设新国家的热情。作为新旧社会转交的象征,龙须沟治理具有长远的启示意义。