蒋介石从"三二0"到"四一二"的心路历程

蒋介石从“三二0”走向“四一二”,从尝试“限共”最终走向公开反共,经历了一个相当复杂的并且是充满了矛盾心理的转变过程。其实,蒋介石并没有像以往一些著作所说的那样,从“三二0”之后开始,就处心积虑地准备清党反共。相反,走向“四一二”最初并不在他的设想之中。其对容共政策的态度转变,固然带有某种程度的必然性,但也带有相当程度的偶然性。深入考察蒋在这一过程中心态与环境矛盾冲突的复杂情况,对全面了解国共两党历史恩怨的形成或能有所帮助。     

中共第一代领导集体对西藏工作的认识

中共第一代领导集体认为：“西藏人口虽不多,但国际地位极重要”;“西藏是个了不起的地方”,“西藏如果不参加祖国的大家庭,这个家庭的事便不好办了,西藏在祖国大家庭里占有很重要的地位”;西藏地处祖国边疆,地理位置特殊;民族宗教问题比较突出;游牧业经济与基础比较落后;历史上曾遭受帝国主义侵略,遗留问题多,情况比较复杂;自然条件比较特殊。     

国民党二届五中全会前后的制宪诉求

融会中西,研究创新制定一部适合中华民国需要的宪法,是孙中山一生的刻意追求.南京国民政府成立后,宣称继承孙中山遗愿,把法制建设作为全力以赴的要事,社会各界利用国民党召开二届五中全会的机会,纷纷要求制定约法,在国民党方面,有国民党中央执行委员朱霁青、南京特别市党务指导委员会,国民政府方面有国民政府法制局在大会召开之前正式提出制定约法的议案于前,国民党中常委将法制局的建议作为提案提交大会,社会团体方面有上海商业请愿团于大会期间请愿,要求制定约法,有着重要社会影响的〈大公报〉的舆论推波助澜于后,又有上海市党务指导委员会于会后积极要求起草约法,形成了蔚为壮观的要求制定约法的声势.     

辛亥革命以来政党制度更替对中国政治发展道路的影响

辛亥革命以来,中国政党制度的性质、内容与形式几度更替,对中国政治发展道路产生了重大而深远的影响：近代资产阶级多党制和议会制,肇始近代中国政治发展道路的曲折探索;国民党一党专政,促使近代中国政治发展道路在徘徊倒退中进行革命性扬弃;共产党与各民主党派的团结合作,绽放现代中国政治发展道路的曙光;中国共产党领导的多党合作制度,开创中国特色社会主义政治发展道路的新篇章。     

论英国在新中国联合国席位问题上的政策（1949～1951年）

英国宣布承认新中国之后,以帮助新中国进入联合国作为推动两国外交关系的突破口,并试图影响美国的态度。执政党的民主社会主义理念、对于中国革命与前途的认知及对美国对华政策的负面印象使英国政府力图奉行独立的对华政策。随着冷战的升级,朝鲜战争的爆发,联合国席位问题复杂化。美国日益强硬的态度及英国在西欧防务问题上对美国的依赖,使英国违心屈服于美国的压力,但在某种程度上英国仍是打破冷战阵营的潜在力量之一。     

‘A Tiny Little Footnote in History’: Conservative Centre Forward

In May 1985, two years after he had returned to the back benches, Francis Pym launched the first organised display of dissent within the parliamentary Conservative Party against Margaret Thatcher's leadership: Conservative Centre Forward. Those Conservative MPs who joined the group were very much believers in One Nation Conservatism. Conservative Centre Forward survived for barely a week after going public; it rapidly collapsed amid accusations of disloyalty and inept leadership. The group proved to be a short-lived experiment which achieved little of note and exposed those who were involved to widespread ridicule. Yet, it was precisely because Conservative Centre Forward collapsed so quickly and achieved so little that it was significant. In its own way, the short life of the group provided a revealing commentary upon the character of the mid-1980s Conservative Party. It was a party which, on the one hand, was moving inexorably to the right and therefore ever further away from the values of One Nation Conservatism which Conservative Centre Forward espoused. On the other hand, it was a party which was still traditional enough to view open displays of dissent, of whatever magnitude, as a threat to the unity upon which its continued electoral success depended.     

A Parliamentary Victory: The British Labour Party and Irish Republican Deportees, 1923

After the 1918 general election the Labour Party became the official opposition party at Westminster. In response to the growing Irish republican campaign to establish an independent Irish state the Labour Party had to re-assess its relationship with Irish nationalism. The Labour Party was now acutely conscious that it was on the verge of forming a government and was concerned to be seen by the British electorate as a responsible, moderate and patriotic government-in-waiting. Although it had traditionally supported Irish demands for home rule and was vehemently opposed to the partition of Ireland, the Labour Party became increasingly wary of any closer relationship with extreme Irish nationalism which it believed would only damage its rapidly improving electoral prospects. Therefore the Labour Party supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 even though it underpinned the partition of Ireland and sought to distance itself from any association with Irish republicanism as the new Irish Free State drifted into civil war. In early 1923 the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) alighted upon the new issue of the arrest and deportation without trial, to the Irish Free State, of Irish republicans living in Britain who were obviously British citizens. The attraction of this campaign for the Labour Party was that it enabled the party to portray itself as the defender of Irish people living in Britain without having to take sides in the Irish civil war. In addition the Labour Party was able to present itself as the protector of civil liberties in Britain against the excesses of an overweening and authoritarian Conservative government. One of the main reasons the issue was progressed so energetically on the floor of the House by the new PLP was because it now contained many Independent Labour Party (ILP) ‘Red Clydesiders’ who themselves had been interned without trial during the First World War. Through brilliant and astute use of parliamentary tactics Bonar Law's Conservative government was forced into an embarrassing climb-down which required the cobbling together of an Indemnity Bill which gave tory ministers retrospective legal protection for having exceeded their authority. By any standard, it was a major achievement by a novice opposition party. It enhanced the party's reputation and its growing sophistication in the use of parliamentary tactics benefited it electorally at the next election which led to the first Labour government.     

战后日本自民党社会统合能力分析--于政治体系的系统输入一侧

复旦大学林尚立先生的《政党政治与现代化：日本的历史与现实》一书是对战后日本政党政治,尤其是对自民党“一党独大”现象进行系统研究的一部力作。但书中有关日本自民党社会统合作用的论述只言及自民党在政治体系的系统输出一侧的社会统合战略,忽视了自民党在政治系统输入一侧的社会统合功能。本文借林尚立先生的这一论述缺欠,指出了这一问题在日本政治研究中的普遍性,并在此基础上,结合西方政治体系、政治系统理论中政党统合功能的相关论述,对日本自民党在政治系统输入一侧的社会统合能力及其根源进行了概括性的论述。     

创建学习型政党 推进党的建设科学化

创建学习型政党是党完成肩负的历史使命的内在要求,是党正确应对国际国内考验的时代需要,也是党解决自身建设问题的现实需要。提升党的建设的科学化水平,必须积极推进学习型政党建设,努力促进全党树立积极学习的新理念,大力加强干部队伍建设,切实完善相关制度,不断促进学习方式的多样化,确保党始终保持求真务实、锐意进取的积极姿态,以更好地带领人民夺取全面建设小康社会的新胜利。     

党报做活新闻报道的突破口

在媒体竞争日益激烈的新形势下,作为纸质媒体的党报也面临严峻的挑战。本文就如何正视存在的问题,找到党报做活新闻报道的突破口,创新报道形式,打造一支高素质的新闻队伍,不断提高舆论引导能力和水平,提高新闻宣传的影响力和感召力进行了论述,指出做好新闻报道工作已经成为各级党报研究的重要课题,也是党报发展壮大必须解决的现实问题。