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151.
《Journal of Geography in Higher Education》2012,36(3):291-307
UK geography departments are now reaching the stage where, in light of social change and growing competition for students, the need to offer a degree programme that is relevant to the needs and expectations of students is a real urgency. Drawing on the People's Geography Project, an initiative from the USA, this paper details the experiences of the author in teaching relevant geography in first-year undergraduate tutorials. The paper contends that by providing an opportunity for students to engage in contentious debate and to adopt a political position, students are encouraged to approach issues from a critical geographical perspective, demonstrate the relevance of a geographical perspective in contemporary issues, recognise the conflicting interests from competing discourses and reach a possible, just solution to social problems. This paper reports on the choice of topics, the forum of debate and assessment through alternative coursework styles, and it analyses the learning of both geographical and transferable skills through a People's Geography tutorial programme. The degree of relevance perceived by both the students and the tutor is evaluated, and suggestions are made for further development of a People's Geography approach. 相似文献
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Phillip A. Emery 《Industrial archaeology review》2018,40(2):88-102
ABSTRACTResults of a study of the southern portion of the railway lands adjacent to York Station are considered. An early straight shed and a rare combination of three roundhouses, variously built by the Great North of England Railway, the York and North Midland Railway and the North Eastern Railway at the York South Motive Power Depot, were investigated and preserved in situ beneath the new rail operating centre, the largest in the country. Originally constructed between 1841 and 1864, these remarkable engine sheds remained in railway use for up to 120 years. Documentary and archaeological evidence is considered and placed within a wider context to explain how these buildings were adapted as their functions evolved. This allows us to understand how the sheds remained in operation after comparable structures at other depots became obsolete. 相似文献
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This paper elaborates the notion of ungovernability as an irresolvable condition of living. It begins by identifying three distinct modes of ungovernability in current geographical work on Palestine: ungovernability as a failure to govern; as a rationale for governing; and as a technique of governing. To this we develop a further conceptualisation of ungovernability as a condition of living that, firstly, remains irreducible to the strategic domain of governing. Secondly, we argue, by drawing on prevalent geographical work on vulnerability and woundedness, that ungovernability constitutes an irresolvable origin of governing that, on the one hand, makes governing incapable of sustaining what it claims for itself, while on the other, names the starting point of a critical analysis of power. By placing the irresolvable ungovernability at the centre of analysis we offer, through examples drawn from our fieldwork in Palestine, an approach that does not reduce life at the outset to cycles of domination-resistance but instead approaches life and its spaces through those ways they remain irreducible to, and thus ungovernable for various forms of governing. 相似文献
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The argument of this paper is that a deeper appreciation of the nature of the power relationships between firms and the circuits of power that bind them together is key to understanding how clusters function — including how they might emerge and how they might decline. We begin to develop a conceptualization that allows us to generate a deeper understanding of the processes that enable the production and reproduction of enterprise clusters under some combinations of circumstances but not others. The sections of the paper explore: (1) concepts of power and circuits of power including their spatialities; (2) the temporarily stabilized relationships which occur in clusters of economic activity; (3) the openness and permeability of clusters as a way of understanding conditions that foster cluster growth; (4) a tentative integration of concepts. From this reading of the concepts of clustering and power we draw the conclusion that clusters are, at any particular point in time, temporary and transient conjunctures of interfirm relationships. They depend on specific circumstances in 'time–space' and, because of their very transience and specificity, those conditions might be very difficult if not impossible to create through the blunt instruments of policy. 相似文献
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The article discusses the question of why and how the normalization between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel took place and managed to evolve into a peace agreement. It offers an additional explanation to the neorealists' scholarly and commonly accepted argument: that it was only the behavior of the revisionist state of Iran that was the motive for signing the peace agreement between the two states. Furthermore, the article argues that the normalization of relations began in 2004 and could have materialized owing to the UAE's neoliberal foreign policy of focusing on soft power cooperation. It suggests the UAE's internal interests of status, stability, and empowerment, which were incorporated in the Vision 2021 plan, were translated into a foreign policy of international cooperation rather than one of military involvement and alliances. The UAE's long-term strategy reveals a dual neorealist and neoliberal foreign policy with a tendency toward the latter. The neoliberal foreign policy of soft power cooperation attracted the UAE to Israel and, through these shared interests, built trust and eventually led to normalization between the two states. The study covers three periods of the UAE's foreign policy strategy during the development of the normalization process. It begins with the tension between the neoliberal and neorealist strategies from 2004 to 2009, then looks at the increase in tensions between 2010 and 2018, and ends with the focus on the neoliberal foreign policy strategy in 2019–2020. 相似文献