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291.
This paper explores the role of the nineteenth-century sinologist-cum-diplomat, John Francis Davis, in Sino-British relations after the ratification of the Treaty of Nanjing in 1843. It examines his time as governor of Hong Kong and as Britain's effective minister to China from 1844 until 1848, in which he attempted to have the city of Canton opened to foreign trade. Arguing that Davis's view of Sino-British relations was as cultural in character as it was political, this paper suggests that Davis fundamentally sought to establish strict equality between the two empires. He attempted to use his knowledge of Chinese civilization to build an equal international relationship between two sovereign nations rather than an imperial relationship between a conqueror and the conquered people. While this conviction laid the groundwork for Hong Kong to become a bilingual Anglo-Chinese colony, it fractured diplomacy with Qing officials. Davis's insistence on political equality would amount to an aggressive imposition of European diplomatic norms on his dealings with the Qing representative Qiying. More precisely, the paper explains how the policies of this archetypal British ‘China Hand’ bifurcated in the directions of both progressive cultural policy but also gunboat diplomacy.  相似文献   
292.
El presente artículo propone una lectura de la cronología de los incas presente en la Miscelánea antártica (1586) de Miguel Cabello Valboa a la luz de nueva evidencia histórica y textual. La crónica de Cabello ofrece años concretos asociados a la duración y expansión del Tawantinsuyu, razón por la cual fue utilizada por John Rowe (1945) para construir una cronología absoluta para el incario. No obstante el trabajo de Rowe ha sido cuestionado en las últimas décadas por la arqueología, la cronología de Cabello nunca ha sido abandonada del todo. El presente artículo postula que la comparación de fechas entre el registro arqueológico y etnohistórico no es correcta, puesto que parten de premisas distintas. Proponemos que los cálculos de Cabello se basaron en supuestos no empíricos los cuales, más que retratar el pasado verdadero de los incas, buscaban posicionar su historia dentro del providencial esquema que Dios había trazado para la Monarquía hispánica.  相似文献   
293.
In this paper, I discuss how gift economy tenets exist within capitalist systems and in what ways the alternative logic of gift economies could be used within capitalist firms to create a more fair economy overall, citing open source software within the technology sector as one example.

To do this, I begin by striking a dialectic between John Milbank's theological and David Graeber's anthropological conceptions of gift economies, illuminating crucial aspects of each to uncover what alternative economic principles are applicable to standard capitalist economic ideologies.

I then turn to a practical application of where these gift economy ideologies are already being utilized to a degree, arguing specifically that open source software provides an alternative economic logic for countless members of the technology sector. On a broad level, I hope to show that capitalism provides the means to alter itself within its own ethos, as certain economic ideologies – like gift economies – could potentially assuage those economic models that contribute to economic inequality. By accentuating these alternative logics within technology firms, they can be expanded and made more substantial, subsequently altering capitalism from the inside out.  相似文献   

294.
From its inception, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) considered itself to be a moderating force in the cold war and in the post-colonial world. In September 1961, in the wake of the Belgrade Conference and at the height of the Berlin crisis, it dispatched emergency missions to Washington and Moscow, with Sukarno and Keita journeying to Washington and Nehru and Nkrumah flying to Moscow. Yet, by the decade's end, the movement had moved away from that mission. Paying particular attention to key turning points of the mid-1960s such as the 1964 Congo crisis and the Americanisation of the Vietnam War, this paper interprets the abandonment of cold war mediation as a product of the Vietnam War, rising anti-colonial sentiment, and organised non-alignment's corresponding shift toward a more militant stance on the world stage. This shift helped to foster a newly antagonistic relationship between the United States and the NAM.  相似文献   
295.
Scientific disputes on the objectivity of research results are an integral part of the collective production of knowledge. One motivation to study cases of scientific controversy is the attempt to discover general patterns in the behaviour of participants and institutions involved in such controversies. Yet, for there to be a controversy, one must assume an important amount of social interaction, so much so that it renders it an essentially social phenomenon, which is accessible to historical study. Cases of obvious scientific fraud, in addition, are neither clear‐cut nor rare and the mere accusation of scientists by their peers frequently constitutes considerable examples of scientific debate. Together with this, it is often assumed that publication organs play a dominant role in directing the lines of scientific controversy, but their institutional significance and the task of individual editors remain widely unexplored. The present article studies the prominent Nature affair of the Parisian biomedical scientist Jacques Benveniste, both, from a perspective on scientific fraud and on the beginning and closure of scientific disputes. One of the most remarkable features of Benveniste's antibody dilution experiments was that they stroke at the foundations of modern physical and biomedical sciences. Could recent history of science actually resolve the case of the so‐called ‘memory of water’ phenomenon?  相似文献   
296.
国内学界一般把约翰·密尔看做自由主义的杰出代表。而且,到目前为止还没有学者去试图把握他思想的全貌。实际上,密尔与社会主义思潮有相当密切的联系,但一些西方学者似乎又过高的估计了密尔思想中的社会主义的色彩。本文拟就密尔与社会主义思潮的关系作一简单梳理。  相似文献   
297.
Abstract: I take as a point of departure for a discussion of the idea of nature the John Muir Trust's much publicised Journey for the Wild which took place in the UK during the summer of 2006. My objective is to explore how, at the same time that the “wild” was performed as a political category through the Journey, replicating the binary nature/society, prevalent norms of nature that depend on that binary, including, ironically, those of John Muir himself, were “undone”. I work with Judith Butler's (2004, Undoing Gender) ideas of “doing” and “undoing” gender and what counts as human, and her link between the articulation of gender and the human on the one hand and, on the other, a politics of new possibilities. Taking her argument “elsewhere”—unravelling what is performed as “wild” and what counts as “nature”—and using as evidence the art of Eoin Cox, the actions of journeyers, extracts from their diaries and from Messages for the Wild delivered to the Scottish Parliament, I suggest that the idea of a working wild points towards more socially just political possibilities than a politics of nature defined through a binary.  相似文献   
298.
殷墟花东H3卜辞主人“子”身份的确定是H3卜辞研究的难点,目前有9家之言,其中,“子”为沃甲之后或武丁太子——孝己的观点影响最大。本文从马克思关于人的社会属性的观点出发,以“子”活动事项为依据,结合先秦文献中有关太子职责的记载,对“子”的身份为太子做进一步论证。  相似文献   
299.
肯尼迪政府时期的美国对华政策已经开始孕育着一些变革。其政府内部先后讨论过一些调整方案,但在国际国内各种复杂因素的制约下没有取得重大突破,其中台湾当局不断施加的干扰和阻碍是一个重要原因。在此时期,美国曾迫使台湾当局从缅泰老“金三角”地区撤军,并试图透迫蒋介石从金门、马祖等沿海岛屿撤防,双方施压与抗压、牵制与反牵制的互动关系十分明显。尽管美国政策设计者们已经认识到美国对华政策必须服务于美国和整个“自由世界”的广泛利益而非台北政权一家的利益,但实际上还是难以摆脱台湾当局的牵制。另外,更重要的阻力来自于美国国内政治的掣肘,而其政策调整的幅度局限于“两个中国”之类的方案,也是根本行不通的。  相似文献   
300.
甲骨文献整理(两种)   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本对甲骨献的整理分两种,前一种对甲骨试作缀合,共将7片甲骨缀为3组。后一种对部分甲骨卜辞重作分类,根据新近出土的花园庄东地H3类型甲骨,指出《甲骨合集》已录的某些甲骨卜辞属于与此同类型的子卜辞。  相似文献   
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