The limits of control: Technological agency,urban terrain,strategy and the state in the 2014 Gaza War

This article reassesses of the role of military technologies both in normative strategic thought and in the critical geopolitics literature by problematising their shared tendency towards representing the power of military technologies in a binary and sometimes hyperbolic way in relation to the complexity of terrain and the emergent intensity of war. In order to do so, it borrows theoretically from Object-Oriented-Ontology, using Harman's concept of “duomining” in dialogue with other understandings of material agency from assemblage theory and Actor-Network-Theory. This interstitial epistemology is applied to analyse the political implications for the State of Israel of its military's decisions on the use of weapons in urban warfare during the 2014 Gaza War. Through this framing, the paper argues that technological agency is ambivalent to the project of state stabilisation, and can act across spatial and temporal boundaries in ways unanticipated by political and strategic decisionmakers. It also demonstrates, counterintuitively, that technological objects can exercise agency as much by their absence as their presence in an event. These findings foreground the need for a more accurate accounting of what technological objects are, not just what they do, alongside a more nuanced consideration of the contingency of their power to shape politics in relation to the complex milieu of human and non-human factors that comprise geopolitical phenomena.     

Popular geopolitics and political memoir: Geopolitical expertise and force majeure as foreign policy justifications in Tony Blair's A Journey

Political memoirs are not only popular with a general readership, they can also be useful historical source material. The place, form and function of geopolitics within them have been seldom explored, especially in the context of critical geopolitics. This article redresses this balance by arguing that geopolitics is a crucial salient in representations of foreign policy in that it is both a marker of expertise, power and authority, and an effective force majeure, allowing memoirists to depict constraints on action. These conclusions are reached through a theorisation of the form of memoirs in the light of recent innovations in popular geopolitics, in which I propose that they be studied via socio-discursive and fictive categories, in order to discern modes of representation and interactions with audience in justifying and explaining controversial foreign policies. The case study which demonstrates this concerns former UK prime minister Tony Blair’s, 2010 memoir, A Journey, a paradigmatic text in terms of how geopolitics functions in the above modes, particularly in his representations of globalisation, the War on Terror and the UK's relationships with the USA and Europe. By bringing together approaches from popular geopolitics and discursive theories of memoirs, I am able to make an original contribution that highlights the importance of political space within one particular and popular literary form and how this is used to justify past foreign policies.     

浅论一战期间的赴法华工及其婚姻

一战期间,法国女多男少的现实、华工对配偶的需求促使不少华工与法国妇女结为夫妻,而法国政府错误的婚姻政策及急功近利的遣返华工政策又在客观上起到了推波助澜的作用。北洋政府为了维护国内的伦理秩序及与法国的外交关系,采取了一些限制华工婚姻的措施,但受制于其法律制度的自相矛盾而不能很好地解决问题。     

鸦片战争至辛亥革命的贵州民族研究

本文主要从外国传教士及学者与贵州民族研究、客籍文士及黔中文人与贵州民族研究、地方志与贵州民族研究等视角,论述了鸦片战争至辛亥革命的贵州民族研究。     

A Council at War: Whickham Urban District Council 1939-45

This article will examine the responses to the dangers of the Second World War by a local authority in north-east England, Whickham Urban District Council. Councillors and officials received guidance from central Government, Durham County Council and from military authorities to prepare for the anticipated effects of total war, including invasion, bombing and chemical warfare against the civilian population. Detailed monthly reports to the Urban District Council reveal the extensive and expensive preparations made by the Council to counter these threats. Newspaper articles demonstrate the willingness of inhabitants to support the Council and participate in patriotic initiatives including voluntary work and fundraising.     

抗战时期华北根据地的卫生防疫工作述论

抗战时期华北根据地疾疫流行广泛,疟疾、痢疾、伤寒、麻疹和流行性感冒等尤为严重。边区政府和军队从"一切为了战争胜利"的目的出发,积极建立各级卫生组织,颁布卫生防疫法规,开展积极的卫生防疫宣传和广泛的群众性卫生运动,切实实施包括组建各种医疗组和卫生防疫队、帮助各级政权训练卫生防疫人员、协助地方卫生工作、充分发挥中医中药的作用等各种卫生防疫办法,不仅有效地预防和控制了各种疾疫的流行,巩固了根据地的社会稳定,而且转变了根据地民众的卫生观念,破除了根据地民众落后的封建迷信思想,增进了广大民众对边区政府和军队普遍的政治认同,为其后的卫生防疫工作尤其是新中国的疾疫救治和卫生防疫体系的建立提供了丰富的经验。     

Blurring the Borders. How the Central Banks of the European Neutrals During the First World War Became Part of the State Machinery: Examining the Case of Norway

Abstract

This article analyses the relationship between the central banks and governments in the neutral countries during the First World War, with focus on the Norwegian development. It examines how independence was challenged, and the framework is a concept of central bank independence, which regards non-lending to the state as vital to the functioning of the central banks. This is a novel approach to the development during the war as the perspective has barely been discussed in the literature in Norway, and also seems to be disregarded in the standard international literature on central bank development. From this perspective the article argues that the Norwegian central bank’s pre-war independence was substantial compared to other central banks. Moreover, the distinct borders between central bank and government also safeguarded Norges Bank’s autonomy longer than in comparable countries after the outbreak of war. However, by the end of the war, Norges Bank had become one of the neutral central banks most interwoven with the state. Based on the historical development in different countries, the article questions the notion of the standard literature that lending to the state in a crisis was a central bank duty.     

Chopsticks,phone bells and farms: Fuyuko Taira's diasporic spatial practice

In this article, I revisit my earlier project on local poetry practices by Japanese ‘war brides’ from the Second World War and explore a creative, transnational home-making activity by focusing on one of my informants, Fuyuko Taira's senryu poetry. Drawing on theories of global space and diasporic home-making practices, I suggest that her engagement in senryu involves a transnational spatial practice through the use of familiar everyday language. While the experience of displacement among Taira and other so-called ‘war brides’ cannot be understood without a consideration of socio-historical and economic constraints that characterized their emigration, my aim here is not to analyse how Taira's senryu simply reflects her diasporic victimhood but to explore how she exercises her creative agency to make her new home familiar and habitable by engaging with the everyday poetry practice of alternation between ‘pause’ and ‘move’ in the midst of changing landscapes. I argue that to a member of the Japanese diaspora like Taira senryu can be thought of as a different mode of experiencing at once the local and the global in an organic way.     

French antimilitarism before World War I: Gustave Hervé and L'Affiche Rouge of 1905

Gustave Hervé's political emergence occurred amidst the Dreyfus Affair. This accelerated his radicalisation. By 1901 he attained notoriety for an apparent image of the tricolour on a dungpile. Soon, his antimilitarist movement called Hervéism attempted to unite the revolutionary Left. After socialist unification, Hervé led the most extreme faction and created a weekly newspaper, La Guerre sociale. In 1905 he joined the Association Internationale Antimilitariste (AIA) which issued a poster based on his ideas. His experience with the AIA presaged several transformations on the French Left. Before 1914 Hervé was a strident voice within European socialism, advocating revolutionary means to prevent war. Years of incendiary campaigns failed to implement his ideas. Despite his dedication, the quixotic Hervé grew frustrated with leftist divisions. His disillusionment arose from a naive reading of an anachronistic revolutionary tradition. Hervé's sincere, yet romantic and eclectic, socialism exhibited atavistic features. Before the war Hervé rallied to ’la patrie en danger’; in 1919 he created a French national socialist party. Such shifts have been tied to Fascism. Though some recent scholars have stressed the dangers posed by antimilitarism, this article documents a more ambiguous picture of Hervé's experience with the AIA and his later antimilitarist activities.