全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1091篇 |
免费 | 2篇 |
专业分类
1093篇 |
出版年
2025年 | 1篇 |
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 9篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 40篇 |
2019年 | 57篇 |
2018年 | 74篇 |
2017年 | 87篇 |
2016年 | 83篇 |
2015年 | 38篇 |
2014年 | 46篇 |
2013年 | 244篇 |
2012年 | 44篇 |
2011年 | 47篇 |
2010年 | 25篇 |
2009年 | 33篇 |
2008年 | 36篇 |
2007年 | 41篇 |
2006年 | 31篇 |
2005年 | 33篇 |
2004年 | 29篇 |
2003年 | 25篇 |
2002年 | 22篇 |
2001年 | 14篇 |
2000年 | 18篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1093条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
王震 《古籍整理研究学刊》2007,19(6):87-89
《司马法》旧题"司马穰苴撰",根据《史记》和《左传》的相关材料可以基本认定,司马穰苴是陈完的后裔,其军事生涯大约在周景王十三年(公元前532年)至周敬王三十年(公元前490年)之间的某一段时期,今本《司马法》5篇应该是齐威王时齐国大夫追述的古司马兵法和穰苴军事思想的混合体,它来自宋代刊定的《武经七书》,有三卷本和一卷本两个版本系统。 相似文献
32.
19世纪与20世纪之交的日本亚洲主义 总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10
19世纪与 2 0世纪之交 ,日本出现过“亚洲主义” (亦称“大亚细亚主义”)思潮 ,这一思潮早期表现为抵御列强的“亚洲同盟论”与“中日连携”思想 ;以后演绎出文化亚洲观 ;最后则异变为与“大陆政策”相连的侵略主义理论。 相似文献
33.
1940年 9月美国和英国签订的“驱逐舰换基地”的秘密协定 ,是第二次世界大战爆发后美国尚处在战争之外的情况下 ,两国间达成的第一个重要双边军事协定。经过近 4个月的谈判 ,英国获得了迫切需要的驱逐舰 5 0艘 ,美国以此换取了租借英国在西大西洋和加勒比海上的 8个海空军基地 99年的权利 ,以及英国政府的重要保证 :英国一旦战败 ,皇家海军决不投降也不会被凿沉 ,而是开到海外继续保卫帝国 相似文献
34.
小说《行云》写的是一位上京求学后又返回故里的青年的故事。青年的情感经历揭示出了由甲州大藤村至东京的空间距离。文中衬以路途之险,反映了作者对当时甲州人呼吁中央线铁路建设的关注和声援。同时,作者还以“战争画”等小道具明示了小说时间与创作时间的一致性,进而虚拟了青年归乡后的数年时间,以两者暗喻了狂热一时的甲午战争对于普通民众来说毫无意义。 相似文献
35.
This article discusses the development of the Livens Large Gallery Flame Projector, a massive British flamethrower that was used against German trenches in the Battle of the Somme in 1916. Built underground within tunnels below No Man’s Land, this secret weapon was an attempt to use technology to break through German defences and reduce British casualties. The flame projector was the most effective flamethrower developed in WWI, but proved to be too inflexible and expensive to be widely used. 相似文献
36.
This article explores the fascinating interactions and experiences of James Bond creator, Ian Fleming, with the real world of intelligence. It has long been known that Fleming worked in Naval Intelligence during the Second World War. However, accounts of his time there tend to portray him as a lowly and slightly eccentric administrator. Drawing on newly discovered archival materials, plus memoirs and histories, it is argued here that Fleming was a respected and influential figure in the great game of espionage for some three decades. During the war, he was a central cog in the machinery of naval intelligence, planning operations, working with partners in American intelligence and liaising with secret Whitehall departments, including the Government Code and Cypher School at Bletchley Park. Before and after the war, he was involved in a range of intelligence networks, often using journalistic cover to hide his clandestine connections. Throughout his life, his social circle was a ‘who’s who’ of spies and saboteurs, including CIA Director Allen Dulles. In short, he straddled the state-private divide. Taken together, these dealings with real intelligence paved the way for and gave veracity to his fiction, which continues to shape public perceptions of intelligence to this day. 相似文献
37.
Hans VAN DE VEN 《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2019,13(1):1-23
ABSTRACTThis article suggests that the study of the War of Resistance against Japanese aggression should pay due attention to the effect of the war on the wartime everyday, that is, on Chinese culture, politics, society, and the economy away from the battlefield. Not only was the impact deep and enduring, but evolving, regionally and socially divergent responses to the war also shaped the war’s military. In modern war, as Karl von Clausewitz pointed out, public morale is a key factor in deciding the outcome of the fighting. The article first sketches the war’s impact on the Chinese economy, suggesting that the main consequences were “demodernization” and the revival of traditional trading patterns. It then discusses the reading lives of a young woman who grew up during the war and a senior Nationalist official to delineate contrasting emotional private responses, with one person finding in literature an inspirational alternative and the other becoming increasingly disillusioned. The article concludes with an examination of three popular history textbooks. They all stressed the importance of an awareness of Chinese civilization but narrated its nature and its prospects in contrasting ways. Such textbooks were used in required Chinese history courses at universities. The article makes no attempt to be comprehensive but instead uses a few examples as illustrations of the potential of researching wartime everydayness. 相似文献
38.
Seung-young Kim 《国际历史评论》2019,41(1):105-129
Japanese–French negotiation for their 1907 entente revealed contrasting approaches to the application of the Open Door principle in China, particularly to the Fukien province after the Japanese victory in the Russo-Japanese War. Having learned about France's wish to receive Japanese guarantee for the safety of its colony in Indo-China, Japan strove to define Fukien as its additional sphere of influence once it had secured much needed loans in the Paris financial market. France tried to resist Japan's request to define Fukien as its sphere by adopting a secret note, and attempted to restrain Japan's future expansion into China by enmeshing Japan in the web of political and financial ententes with itself and Britain supporting Open Door. This approach of France was a continuation of French policy toward East Asia since the Boxer Uprising, securing its economic interests by supporting Open Door rather than pursuing territorial competition with other great powers in China. In contrast, the Japanese government strenuously attempted to weaken the general application of Open Door doctrine in China, and could define Fukien as Japan's additional sphere by securing a secret explanatory note for such a purpose. 相似文献
39.
Paul M. McGarr 《国际历史评论》2019,41(1):130-156
Britain's post-war interventions in former colonial territories remain a controversial area of contemporary history. In the case of India, recent releases of official records in the United Kingdom and South Asia have revealed details of British government anti-communist propaganda activity in the subcontinent during the Cold War period. This article focuses attention on covert or unattributable propaganda conducted in India by the Foreign Office's Information Research Department (IRD). It specifically examines the 1960s: a time between the outbreak of the Sino-Indian border war in 1962, and the Indian general election of 1967, when IRD operations peaked. The Indian government welcomed British support in an information war waged against Communist China, but cooperation between London and New Delhi quickly waned. Britain's propaganda initiative in India lacked strategic coherence, and cut across the grain of local resistance to anti-Soviet material. The British Government found itself running two separate propaganda campaigns in the subcontinent: one focused on Communist China, and declared to the Indian government; and a second, secret programme, targeting the Soviets. In this context, Whitehall found it difficult to implement an integrated and effective anti-communist propaganda offensive in India. 相似文献
40.
Charlie Hall 《国际历史评论》2019,41(3):559-580
One of the most important dilemmas facing the British authorities when they occupied their zone of Germany at the end of the Second World War was what to do with German science. The contributions made by scientists and engineers to the Nazi war machine, in fields such as rocketry and submarines, meant that German science was both revered and feared, and was therefore closely linked to concerns about a post-war military resurgence in Germany. This article aims to chart the changing approaches which the British occupation officials adopted towards German science in this period. While the initial intention was to prevent Germany from ever waging war again, through demilitarisation, denazification and dismantling, the focus changed as British enmity shifted from a former adversary, Germany, to a former ally, the Soviet Union. Policy reflected this shift as technology transfer and the reconstruction of domestic German science won greater favour. This article aims to show that, in the face of growing hostility from the USSR and in the deeply suspicious climate of the early Cold War, Britain was forced to abandon its moral mission towards German science and adopt a far more pragmatic strategy instead. 相似文献