冷战后日本政党格局变化及对中日关系的影响

冷战后日本政党格局的变化,一是形成以自民党为核心的联合政权,并未真正出现一个与自民党相抗衡的政党;二是各政党之间意识形态对立消失,日趋保守化。加之冷战后政党在外交决策中作用的加强等因素的影响,对中日关系造成了消极影响。     

Treaty of Zohab, 1639: Foundational Myth or Foundational Document?

Beginning with their first confrontation in 1514, the Ottomans and the dynasties ruling over Iran fought over the borderlands extending from the Persian Gulf to Mount Ararat. The transformation of this indeterminate borderland into a clearly defined and increasingly monitored border took almost four centuries. It became an internationally recognized border only after seven decades (1843–1914) of intermittent work by mixed international commissions. Despite such a tangled history, a well-entrenched tradition of Middle Eastern history suggests that the Iranian–Ottoman frontier was firmly established by the Qasr-i Shirin/Zohab Treaty of 1639; and it is one of the oldest boundaries of the world. The myth of 1639 is powerfully enshrined in the historiographies and nationalisms of the countries sharing this boundary. Questioning this myth in the light of Ottoman–Iranian relations, this paper analyzes different versions of 1639 Treaty that were brought to boundary negotiations and exist in various chronicles, and suggests an alternative reading of this foundational myth.     

The Italian broadcasting system between politics and the market

Silvio Berlusconi's success in the European elections of 1999 reopened the Italian debate over the leader of Forza Italia's conflict of interests in the media and politics. This question is one among many that currently concern the relationship between the media, the market and politics in Italy. The Italian broadcasting system has long been subaltern to the political climate and its idiosyncrasies: in the past, the incapacity or lack of desire to regulate the development of the system made the formation of Berlusconi's broadcasting trust possible;in the present,an excess of political sensitivity prevents thoroughgoing reform.The development of digital pay-TV,coupled with the resistance of the state broadcaster,Rai,to return to a mission of public service,provide good examples of some of the contradictions that mark the Italian path to the globalization of communication.     

宋太宗民族关系思想的演变及对宋初疆域形成的影响

宋太宗在处理民族问题的具体实践中形成了由中国一统、四夷当置之度外和修德以怀远三大观点支撑的民族关系思想体系.宋太宗的这一思想在不同阶段具有不同的特点,先由备边通好转向图制契丹,再由图制契丹转向联夷攻辽,最终由联夷攻辽转向修德以怀远.宋太宗民族关系思想的演变,既直接影响着当时民族关系思想流派的兴衰,也对宋初疆域的形成产生了不可忽视的影响.     

试论安史乱军的民族构成及其民族关系

安史乱军的民族构成比较复杂,既有安禄山那样的混血儿,又有一大批少数民族将士,也有高丽残部及扶余、新罗人,还有许多汉族官和将士,但从多方面加以考察,安禄山、史思明所重用的以及在安史乱军中起主要作用的多为汉族人;唐代的河朔地区既有胡化趋向,也有汉化保持和提高的趋向;安史乱军中的民族关系比较缓和,少数民族和汉族将士在化、心理素质等方面渐趋一致,少数民族和汉族将士在许多方面能够积极配合。这些是唐中央平叛工作进展缓慢以及安史之乱持续8年之久的重要原因之一。     

Enforced Pacific Settlement or Guaranteed Mutual Defence? British and US Approaches to Collective Security in the Eclectic Covenant of the League of Nations

It is rarely pointed out that in pioneering collective security the Covenant of the League of Nations contained two approaches to that policy: enforced pacific settlement favoured in moderate-minimum form by the British (and in particular Lord Robert Cecil); and guaranteed mutual defence, promoted by President Wilson. Though not incompatible, they had very different political resonances. Enforced pacific settlement could be introduced gently, by limiting the pacific-settlement procedures that states were required to follow. By contrast, guaranteed mutual defence looked like a commitment to fight, not for international law, but for every detail of a controversial political and territorial status quo. Thus the Covenant's central element was a British scheme for enforced delay and inquiry, and its Achilles’ heel was Article 10, insisted upon by Wilson but rejected by the Senate. In consequence, the most effective provisions of an incoherent Covenant proved to lie outside the area of collective security, particularly in preventive diplomacy and world services.     

《史记》“三家注”对谓语结构中名动语义关系的分析——谈古代注释书释义之传统

本文说明《史记》“三家注”对谓语结构中名词动词语义关系的分析及分析方法;上溯汉魏晋人注释书释义,说明这是古代注释书传统释义内容与释义方法。