国际政治中的资源及其理论意义

国际政治资源,简言之,是指国际政治主体在国际竞争中用来实现自身利益、贯彻战略目标所使用的物质和精神来源,也是国际政治主体所能发挥、利用、调动的各种能力、手段与工具的总和。本文在提出国际政治概念后,对国际关系理论中的国际政治资源理论和观点进行了梳理,认为国际政治的国际政治资源同权力和利益同样重要,三者的互动复合作用对国际政治的发展和变革有着重要意义。     

美国国会与《与台湾关系法》的出台

美国国会出台《与台湾关系法》的原因有:相比较中美建交的战略意义,美国国会更注重台湾的“安全”与繁荣;美国国会对于美行政部门在中美建交谈判中的单边主义行动大为不满;美国国会的权力复兴在中国政策上的反映;少数亲台议员的煽动作用。美国总统签署《与台湾关系法》的原因有:美国国会对于台湾利益的强调与美行政部门的本意并不违背;《与台湾关系法》的最后文本是美国府会互动和妥协的产物。     

改革开放以来的中华民国外交史研究

对中华民国外交史的研究,改革开放以来,随着国内外、海峡两岸学术交流的日益增进和大量新史料的公布,取得了令人瞩目的进展,无论是对事实的梳理还是对历史经验的总结,都有明显改观,外交史研究在客观性、科学性、严谨性等方面有了长足的进步。随着新的研究领域的开拓、学术视野的进一步扩大,未来的民国外交史研究必将取得更大的成就。     

Lex alterius: Using Law to Construct Confessional Boundaries

Historians and anthropologists are confronted with a persistent problem for which there is no clear solution: the conceptual tools which we use to attempt to understand cultures are themselves products of (often) the very cultures we are attempting to understand. Take “religion”. Boyarin ([2004]. “The Christian Invention of Judaism: The Theodosian Empire and the Rabbinic Refusal of Religion.” Representations 85: 21–57) has argued that the very concept of “religion” as we know it was a product of the fourth and fifth centuries, as bishops and emperors constructed Christianity as a religion (the true one, of course), and in counterdistinction constructed “Judaism” and “Hellenism” (or paganism) as “false” religions. For Boyarin, Judaism only becomes a “religion” when Christian authorities define it as one. The same could be said for the jumble of texts, beliefs and rituals that the English, upon arriving in India, lump together under the name “Hinduism”, which they turn into a religion. Building, defining and policing borders between confessional groups has been an important part of constructing identities—or visions of community—in various societies, in particular those ruled by Christians or Muslims, from the time of the fourth-century Christian Roman emperors. In this article, I examine how Christian and Muslim jurists of the fourth to eleventh centuries use law to define and police confessional boundaries, in particular how they attempt to limit interactions that could transgress or blur those boundaries: shared meals, sexual contact, syncretic practices.     

台海两岸在军事安全领域谋求和平的历史启示

新中国成立至今,台海两岸虽然没有统一,但在军事安全领域存在着一些相互知会、心照不宣的默契,各自形成了一些自我约束的习惯做法,这也是台海两岸在绝大部分时间里没有发生战争的重要原因。坚持一个中国原则,善于搁置争议、尽最大努力争取和平,严格限定军事行动目标,加强对军事要素的有效控制,以及保持沟通联系、避免相互隔绝是这些默契形成的基础,也是当前推进建立台海两岸军事安全互信机制必须汲取的历史经验。     

Geography and psychoanalysis: Tensions and possibilities

I am concerned in this paper with the diversity of psychoanalysis, a feature of the discipline which we can connect with diasporas and the re-working of ideas in different locales. I try to demonstrate how experience and environment have contributed to the development of psychoanalysis. Key to the production of knowledge are the journeys of theorists, practitioners and ideas. Following Liz Bondi, I stress the importance of acknowledging the connection between experience, theory and practice in our own work. I suggest that geographers can follow those psychoanalysts who have moved from the clinic to broader political projects but that they should engage with recent critical research in psychoanalysis if a dialogue is to develop.     

A ‘Half-hearted Response’?: Canada and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962

Whereas previous studies of Canada's actions during the Cuban Missile Crisis have argued that Ottawa was a half-hearted ally of the United States, recently released documents provide far different conclusions. Seeking to complement previous works, which are focused largely on military events, this study shows how Canadian diplomats responded to the crisis and sought to support their vital ally in the events of October and November 1962.     

The Power-Transition Crisis of the 240s BCE and the Creation of the Parthian State

This article combines historical analysis with international-relations theory to contend that geopolitical developments around the Eastern Mediterranean in the middle third century BCE were indirectly responsible for the emergence of the Parthian state and a new international system of states in the ancient East. Since the death of Alexander the Great, the Seleucid Empire had ruled over much of the East; however, disastrous military conflicts at home and abroad in the West caused a sudden decline of Seleucid power in the 240s–230s BCE. The troubles of the Seleucid state caused what political scientists call a power-transition crisis that damaged Seleucid hegemony over the East when the Seleucid satraps of Parthia and Bactria declared their independence. Moreover, the deleterious civil wars between Seleucid dynasts in the West and the rebellions of eastern satraps encouraged the nomadic Parni tribe from the Central Asian steppe (later known as the Parthians), who had been seeking a new homeland for decades, to invade northeastern Iran and establish a new kingdom. With the Parni's successful conquest of Parthia and its immediate consequences, a new interstate system of tripolarity between the Seleucid Empire, Bactrian Kingdom, and the newly formed Parthian state emerged in the ancient East.     

Between Vanity and Sensitiveness: Indo–British Relations During Vijayalakshmi Pandit’s High-Commissionership (1954–61)

Studies of Indo–British relations in the 1950s have been usually dominated by the personalities of Jawaharlal Nehru and, after him, VK Krishna Menon. This article instead focuses on Vijayalakshmi Pandit and her tenure as India’s High-Commissioner in London. Pandit came to London having served as Nehru’s envoy to the Soviet Union, the USA and the United Nations. Based on government records and private papers in India, Britain and America, this article shows that her time in London offers insights into the wider context of changes in Indo–British relations and presents her High-Commissionership as a microcosm of the inter-governmental relations.     

西班牙佛朗哥政府与美古间的秘密接触(1963-1967)

美国与革命后的古巴是意识形态严重对立的一对邻国。自1961年1月断交起,两国政府经常在公开场合表达对对方的敌意。但是,在双方敌意的背后却存在着美古间的秘密接触,特别是在古巴导弹危机爆发后的5年间。在此期间,真正获得美古两国政府信任、促成双方对话的是西班牙佛朗哥政府。西班牙与美古间长期维持的特殊关系,西班牙外交官高超的外交技巧,西班牙在经济腾飞后想要恢复帝国荣光的强烈心愿,是西班牙成功地充当美古中间人的重要原因。这一案例体现出前宗主国在前殖民地国家对外交往中所扮演的特殊角色。