排序方式： 共有129条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
This study investigates the implementation of U.S. environmental protection laws under American Indian tribal governance. The landmark laws of the 1970s that form the core of America's environmental policy regime made no mention of American Indian tribal lands, and the subsequent research literature on environmental policy has given them little attention. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency has primary implementation responsibility for environmental protection laws on tribal lands, which offers a unique opportunity to study direct federal implementation apart from typical joint state–federal implementation. Further, because Indian reservations are homes to a disproportionately poor, historically subjugated racial group, analysis of environmental programs on tribal lands offers a unique perspective on environmental justice. We analyze enforcement of and compliance with the Clean Water Act (CWA) and Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) to compare the implementation of environmental policy on tribal lands with nontribal facilities. Analysis reveals that, compared with nontribal facilities, tribal facilities experience less rigorous CWA and SDWA enforcement and are more likely to violate these laws. 相似文献
92.
美国学术界对20世纪30年代印第安人新政的研究可以分为三个阶段。第一个阶段是研究的初期阶段,主要以新政改革参与者和同时代学者为主,多颂扬印第安人新政。第二个阶段是印第安人新政研究的快速发展时期,美国学者开始重新思考和评价这一重大改革举措,对印第安人新政的批评和指责也越来越多。第三个阶段为全面繁荣时期,传统印第安人史学与新兴族裔史学遥相呼应,对印第安人新政的批评与赞扬交织于一起。 相似文献
93.
范宏伟 《华侨华人历史研究》2006,26(1):45-54
移民同化于当地是一种多维的社会互动过程,其表现和影响因素是多方面的。近代以来迁移缅甸的华人和印度移民同化于当地的情况是不同的。本文从语言、宗教信仰、生活习俗和族际通婚四个方面概述了华人和印度人的同化情况,认为华人比印度人更快同化于当地。本文也分析了影响二者同化程度不同的原因,认为主要是二者在人口、经济、移民性质、宗教信仰、种姓、偏见、体质等七个方面的差异所致。作者指出,上述七个影响因素并不单独具有绝对的解释力,它们相互交织,彼此作用,形成影响华人和印度人同化情况不同的合力。 相似文献
94.
Ole Birk Laursen 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2018,46(2):286-303
This article examines the British anarchist Guy Aldred’s involvement in the Indian revolutionary movement from 1909 to 1914 in order to reflect on solidarities and antagonisms between anarchism and anti-colonial movements in the early twentieth century. Drawing on Aldred’s writings, court material and intelligence reports, it explores, first, his decision to print the suppressed Indian nationalist periodical The Indian Sociologist in August 1909 and, second, his involvement in Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s disputed arrest and deportation, which was brought to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague in October 1910. In spite of recent attempts by historians to bring the Indian revolutionary movement into much closer conjunction with anarchism than previously assumed, Aldred’s engagement with the Indian freedom struggle has escaped sustained historical attention. Addressing this silence, the article argues that Aldred’s anti-imperialism was rooted in his anarchist visions of freedom, including freedom of the press, and reveals a more unusual concern with the question of colonialism than shown by almost any other British anarchist in the early twentieth century. At the same time, it cautions that Aldred was blind to the problems of Indian nationalism, especially the Hindu variety espoused by Savarkar, which leaves his anarchist anti-imperialism much compromised. 相似文献
95.
Oceans are increasingly looked toward for their contribution to addressing climate change. These so-called ocean-based climate “solutions” often fall under the umbrella of the “blue economy,” a term used to refer to new ways of organizing ocean economies to provide equitable economic and environmental benefits. Yet, thus far the literature exploring blue economies and blue economy governance has largely overlooked or downplayed its equity and justice roots and implications, including how blue economies are embedded in multiple scales of environmental injustices. This is particularly important when blue economies include offshore oil production. The purpose of this paper is to both emphasize the need and provide an approach to incorporate justice and equity—specifically climate justice—into blue economy planning and scholarship. We build on conceptualizations of blue economies as assemblages to draw attention to the global reach of climate impacts associated with oil that are often overlooked or ignored at sites of production and through regional governance. We argue that greenhouse gas emissions from the life cycle of oil should be included in policies and planning (including blue economy planning) at sites of production, but that this must also incorporate underlying power structures that lead to uneven impacts and climate injustice. We look at environmental assessments as a regional governance tool that could be used to shape opportunities and openings to organize blue economies differently. To illustrate these points, we look at how environmental assessments are playing (and could play) a role in enacting and shaping Newfoundland and Labrador's blue economy. 相似文献
96.
《Archaeology in Oceania》2017,52(3):149-160
Contestation of culturally significant places is a phenomenon that is regularly encountered in heritage management. Takky Wooroo (Indian Head), on World Heritage–inscribed K’gari (Fraser Island), is no exception. The research presented in this paper uses a multi‐vocal methodology situated within the constructivist paradigm of “Indigenous archaeologies” to evaluate contested evidence for cultural and historical significance at Takky Wooroo. Much of the contestation relates to whether or not Takky Wooroo was the site of a massacre in the nineteenth century and if so, how this impacts on the management of the place. Evidence for the massacre is investigated using oral history from Traditional Owners as well as archival sources. Perceptions of the headland held by Traditional Owners, tourists and other stakeholders are assessed as the basis for a review of management strategies for this contested place. Themes of memorialisation and association are explored and, in the absence of tangible “scientific” evidence to link Takky Wooroo with its past uses, the inclusion of intangible understandings, such as Indigenous Knowledge, are shown to be paramount in assigning significance. In particular, we argue that memorialisation, association and the archaeology of absence allow the historically documented massacre event to be linked with Takky Wooroo in a manner that is not possible through material culture assessment alone. 相似文献
97.
Prema Kurien 《Nations & Nationalism》2017,23(1):109-128
Studies of the homeland-oriented activism of diasporic groups focus on cases where those who share national origins also share common political interests. But other literature indicates that ethnic majority and minority groups may have different attitudes towards their homelands. This paper examines how majority and minority religious status in the homeland affects the foreign policy activism of immigrant organisations. It also examines how competing groups mobilising around foreign policy concerns frame their issues in such a way as to resonate with their Western audiences. Using examples of the mobilisation of Indian American groups around religious issues in India, it demonstrates that there are fundamental differences in the concerns and goals of Hindu American organisations and those representing Muslims, Sikhs and Christian Americans of Indian ancestry. These differences often result in opposing patterns of mobilisation around homeland issues. 相似文献
98.
Samuel Avery-Quinn 《American Nineteenth Century History》2017,18(2):107-129
In 1869, leading members of the Wesleyan holiness movement established Ocean Grove, an oceanfront camp meeting resort in Monmouth County, New Jersey that would become one of the most popular religious resorts in the United States. Scholarship on Ocean Grove treats the resort as a significant example of the spatial preferences and town planning efforts of the holiness movement. Tracing conflicts between leisure and worship, and between the romanticization of nature versus the sacralization of city life, suggests the landscape of the resort emerged as a mediation of these conflicts and provides further evidence for the sacralization of nature as a necessary component in the planning of Methodist and holiness communities in the late nineteenth century. 相似文献
99.
100.
宋元时期,广东社会经济发展不断向海洋推进,零丁洋海域进入了人们开发的视野。明清广东海洋经济获得了进一步发展,中外贸易在零丁洋海域相当活跃,也引起了官府对这一海域的重视。正是在不断开发海洋的过程中,人们对零丁洋海域的认识与界定,也逐步由小到大地扩展,文献对零丁洋的记述从人文记忆向地理标识转变。宋元以来,人们对零丁洋海域范围的界定,几乎都是以陆岛为标识加以描述,由原先单一的零丁岛扩大到零丁岛群,进而将这一海域不断扩大,也就是说,不同时期的零丁洋海域有不同的范围界限。 相似文献