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《History of European Ideas》2011,37(3):382-395
This article reflects on the relationship between historical writing and enquiry and philosophy, and more particularly the manner in which the pursuit of a particular natural philosophy can influence historical narratives. The article begins with a comparison of Roman and Greek approaches to history, employing a distinction between narrative and logic. It goes on to consider the impact of Christianity, the relationship between enlightenment narratives and philosophical developments regarding the nature of causation, and the Hegel/Marx critique of the kinds of empiricism associated with Hume. The article ends by considering the counterfactual historical analysis and the proper relationship between history and philosophy for modern historians. 相似文献
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Klaas Bentein 《Symbolae Osloenses / auspiciis Societatis Graeco-Latinae》2015,89(1):104-147
Classical Greek (V–IV BC) is known for the complexity of its complementation system, involving infinitival, participial, and finite verb forms. In Post-classical Greek (III BC–VI AD), a simplification of this system takes place, whereby finite complementation becomes much more frequent, and ?τι is used as a “generic” complementizer. This article analyses to what extent complementation patterns other than ?τι with a finite verb form and the accusative with the infinitive are still used in the Post-classical period (I–VI AD), focusing on documentary sources (i.e. letters and petitions). I show that various “minor” complementation patterns are (still) attested; some of them are known from Classical Greek, while others are entirely new formations. I furthermore argue that “factivity” and “formality” are two key factors in explaining the distribution of these patterns. 相似文献
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《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》2017,27(3):453-464
Ancient Greek colonies were founded by Greek seafarers all along the Mediterranean coast as early as the eighth century bc . Despite extensive archaeological and historical research, the population structure of the inhabitants of Greek colonies and their relationship to indigenous populations are still debated. Here, we perform a biodistance analysis to reconstruct migration and gene flow between the ancient Greek colony of Metaponto (southern Italy) and indigenous groups in the surrounding hinterland (900–250 bc ). We collected dental nonmetric trait data of 355 human skeletons from the indigenous Italic sites of Santa Maria d'Anglona, Incoronata and Passo di Giacobbe. This data set is compared with an urban and rural sample of the Greek colony of Metaponto comprising 351 individual dentitions. The R‐matrix approach is used to estimate inter‐population relationships and F ST. The resulting kinship coefficients indicate that the three indigenous groups exhibit greater similarity to each other and possess lesser similarity to the two Metapontian samples. Interestingly, the two samples of Metaponto are least similar to each other, although they are geographically very close. The F ST estimates confirm this pattern and reveal greater biological variation between the two nearby Metaponto samples (F ST = 0.0603) than between the three geographically fairly distant indigenous groups (F ST = 0.0389). We conclude that the Greek colony of Metaponto included large numbers of people with diverse geographical origins, whereas the indigenous Italic communities of the surrounding hinterland exhibited high levels of homogeneity and cohesion. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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Eiliv Skard 《Symbolae Osloenses / auspiciis Societatis Graeco-Latinae》2013,87(1):156-157
While re-editing Pap.Graec.Mag. VII, I studied ink remains that correspond to the beginning of a column written on the verso of the papyrus that runs in the opposite direction to the rest of the text. The textual remains on these fragments were only transcribed by Wessely in 1893 and there have been no further attempts at editing them. In the present article, I offer a new edition of the text and its identification, as well as a palaeographical study aimed at identifying the scribe and a discussion of the new column’s possible function in the context of the magical formulary. 相似文献
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Jorie Soltic 《Symbolae Osloenses / auspiciis Societatis Graeco-Latinae》2013,87(1):136-147
Ancient Greek is widely regarded as a language with an extraordinary number of so-called “Wackernagel P2 particles” such as γ?ρ, δ(?), and μ?ν, which serve a multitude of discourse functions. From the post-Classical period on, however, these small words gradually lose their importance in discourse and die out. This is reflected in the interest of scholars: while there are many studies on particles in older stages of Greek, not much research has been conducted on the particles in late medieval Greek (LMG; twelfth to fifteenth centuries). At this stage of the Greek language, the P2 particles are acknowledged to no longer be part of the living spoken language. Nonetheless, some of these small words still turn up in texts written in the vernacular. Since most LMG vernacular literature is composed in the metre of the 15-syllabic πολιτικ?? στ?χο? (vernacular prose being extremely scarce in this period), these occurrences are traditionally explained by appealing to metrical and/or stylistic reasons: the particles constitute archaizing relics merely inserted to give a classicizing flavour to the text, or are even used “metri causa”, simply to achieve the required number of syllables. In this note, I present a case-study on the “explanatory” particle γ?ρ (“for”) in the Chronicle of Morea, the best-known verse chronicle of the Greek Middle Ages. I show that γ?ρ is more than a blatant line filler. First, γ?ρ is not at all distributed at random, but consistently occupies P2 and thus obeys the so-called “Law of Wackernagel”, as the particles in Ancient Greek do. Moreover, γ?ρ can still exert a clear discourse function, albeit often a different one than in Ancient Greek. 相似文献