走出传统:北洋政府时期的县公署制度

清代州县行政存在组织机构不健全、行政与司法不分和财政家产制等封建性弊病。北洋政府时期,县行政长官任用私人势力履行县政职能的情况开始得到改变,司法与行政开始有所分离,法制化的行政经费制度开始建立。所有这些改革均具有重要意义,标志着中国的县行政制度开始摆脱传统而走向现代。     

南京政府对康藏纠纷的定性及解决措施分析

南京国民政府将 1930年爆发的康藏纠纷定性为地方性冲突事件 ,反对英国插手干涉 ;把解决康藏纠纷与恢复对藏主权、巩固西部边陲结合起来 ,决定用和平方式谋求纠纷的迅速解决 ,甚至可以做出让步 ;但中央与西藏地方在解决纠纷的程序和方式等问题上分歧较大 ,致使纠纷的核心问题得不到解决 ;这场纠纷中断了中央与西藏地方之间关系改善的进程 ,达赖和班禅的矛盾再次激化 ,康藏社会和经济发展停滞     

长白府设置的背景及意义

1860年之后,东北柳条边外地区内忧外患并发。为了摆脱危机,清政府于光绪初年设东边道及通化等县,管辖鸭绿江中游到长白山腹地的广大地区。随着人口日增和边疆危机的加深,加强边政建设,尤其是地方行政设治,成为当务之急。1908年清政府批准设立长白府。长白府设置后,首先完善内治,强化控驭;其次加强对朝侨管理,抵制日本的侵略图谋;最后,招民实边,建设边陲。经过边臣疆吏不懈努力,荒芜略辟,边陲粗安,使清朝在其垂暮之年,力行边政,阻遏了侵华势力对我长白山地区的领土觊觎,在力所能及的范围内维护了国家主权。     

A closed country in the open seas: Engelbert Kaempfer's Japanese solution for European modernity's predicament

By offering an apology of Japan's closed country policy, Engelbert Kaempfer (1651–1716) was contributing not so much to the literature of exotic journey record, but rather to the field of European political and moral theory, and importantly to the debate over the relative merits of ancient and modern societies and effects of international commerce. There is a marked lack of scholarly attention given to Kaempfer as a modestly interesting political theorist, compared to a substantial body of research praising his record as a scientifically minded observer of remote cultures. As a deceptively straightforward specimen of the genre of travelogue, and also because it has tended to be treated mostly as a pioneering attempt in western Japanese studies, Kaempfer's work has not generally been considered in its relation to the debate on Europe's own moral and political predicament. When it has, the emphasis tended to be on the influence his work exercised on the enlightened European mind and its awareness of alien cultures, rather than on the extent to which the moral and political questions he sought to answer regarding Japan's situation were in fact standard questions formulated within the wider European debate on commerce and government. This paper hopes to correct the imbalance by placing Kaempfer's argument into the context of such contrasting contemporaneous positions as those represented, respectively, by Joseph Addison's view of global commerce in The Spectator and by François Fénelon's vision of the ideal commonwealth of Salente in his Aventures de Télemaque.     

“火烧船厂”与近代吉林城市消防变迁——以宣统三年吉林省城大火为中心

宣统三年(1911)四月,吉林省城吉林市发生了一起特大火灾。引起这场火灾的原因主要有三个,一是城市建筑风格不利防火,二是消防力量相对不足,三是官府扑救不力。火灾结束以后,吉林市进行了以消防为中心的城市重建。在政府统一规划下,拓宽街道,制订临街房屋样式,限制各种易于引火的木制品的使用,还制定了其他一系列加强消防的办法。社会各界也开始创办各类民间救火组织。     

国共党争与阶级分野--广州国民政府时期工商关系的实证考察

广州国民政府时期,不仅是国民革命迅速发展的高潮阶段,也是革命统一战线发生斗争与分化的转折点.以国共党争为主线,此阶段的工商关系因党派政治的渗入而愈趋复杂,并呈现出"对抗与合作"的双重态势.这主要表现为中国共产党领导的广州工人代表会与商界的阶级对垒,而广东总工会等国民党右派工会则与商界取合作姿态.尽管此时工商间的阶级分野取得明显实效,但也毕竟有限,这与国民党"阶级协调"的政治统治逻辑及广州"劳资混合"的行会传统有着密切关联.     

《中日和平友好条约》的签订

《中日和平友好条约》的签订经历了曲折的过程。中日双方于1974年11月开始缔约的预备谈判,后因日本政局变动使国内政治力量重组,自民党亲台势力掌控党政大权,在反霸问题上态度变化,导致谈判受阻;与此同时,中国也因文化大革命在缔约问题上回旋余地有限,致使缔约谈判一度中断。20世纪70年代末,日本国内政治环境和国际形势的变化为恢复中日谈判创造了有利条件,在邓小平的推动下,中日于1978年5月恢复了谈判,并于8月正式签署了《中日和平友好条约》,条约的签署对中日来说都具有重大意义。     

20世纪30年代报刊媒介与西北开发

在20世纪30年代,中国面临着严重的经济危机、政治危机和民族危机,各报刊杂志纷纷刊登开发西北边疆的文章,喊出了开发西北的呼声。各有识之士利用报刊这一信息工具来研究西北、宣传西北;为开发西北制造舆论,推动了南京国民政府对西北的开发。但最终实效十分有限。     

政府控制、权力制衡与旅游上市公司经营绩效的关系研究

政府控制是我国旅游上市公司中常见的现象。在2011）年沪深两市共26家旅游上市公司中,仅有新都酒店、ST东海、大连圣亚、世纪游轮四家公司的实际控制人为自然人或民营企业法人,政府直接或间接控制的上市公司数量占比高达85％。根据终极产权理论和相关的经验研究结果,不同的终极控制人的性质对企业经营绩效的影响存在很大差别。本文利用沪深两市2003～2010年间旅游上市公司的非平衡面板数据,对政府控制、权力制衡与旅游上市公司经营绩效之间的关系进行了实证研究。,研究结果表明,在当前的市场环境下,地方政府控制的旅游上市公司经营绩效高于非政府和中央政府控制的旅游上市公司,同时,适当减少地方政府控制权比例,建立科学的制衡机制将有助于提高;茂国旅游上市公司的经营绩效。     

Anti-corruption campaigns in thirteenth-century Europe

The thirteenth century in France saw the initiation of a series of reforms intended to define, identify and root out corruption in government. The principal architect of the campaign was King Louis IX (1226–70), ably supported by a coterie of special officials. Inspired in part by his desire to purify his kingdom in the long preparation for the crusade of 1270, he also drew on longstanding precedents in French administrative history. The campaign on the whole was quite successful. What is also remarkable is that, generated partly from the unique circumstances of individual polities and partly from circumstances, like crusading fervour, which were widely shared, other anti-corruption campaigns were mounted, also with some success. The slogans and practices of anti-corruption campaigns came to be identified intimately with good government, indeed, with the very right to exercise political authority and power. The thirteenth century thus appears to be a foundational moment in the constitution of the ideology and practices of the state.