民初北洋政府德育教育失败的反思——以尊孔运动为考察中心

以尊孔运动为主要内容的民初北洋政府德育教育,其结果以失败而告终,究其原因集中体现在政策缺乏连续性、理论宣传的内在矛盾、民间资源借助不力、舆论氛围恶化四个方面。探究其败因得到以下启示:1.政策的连续性是德育教育成功的前提;2.内在机理完善的理论宣传是德育教育成功的基础;3.有效借助非政府资源是德育教育成功的保障;4.营造良好的舆论氛围是德育教育成功的关键。     

仪式政治:国民党与南京国民政府对孙中山的祭祀典礼

国民党与南京国民政府为标榜是孙中山民主革命思想与事业的合法继承者,把孙中山从“总理”推尊演绎成了“国父”圣符,并为之举行了逝世纪念、奉安纪念与诞辰纪念三种典礼仪式。从仪式政治与国家祭祀的角度对前两种典礼仪式进行系统的史学考察,并挖掘和诠释其表象背后的政治思想与社会文化内蕴,不仅有利于把握“后孙中山时代”民国官方对孙中山政治遗产的利用与运作体系,而且有利于继承和弘扬孙中山的民主革命精神与思想。     

民国时期乡村教育问题研究述评

20世纪二三十年代,是乡村教育发展的黄金时期。新中国以来,人们对乡村教育问题的研究,主要集中在乡村教育思潮和乡村教育实验区及其代表人物、乡村私塾与乡村学校的关系、乡村教育经费、乡村教师及其待遇、乡村师范、乡村社会教育等方面。由于资料限制和意识形态的影响,人们对民国时期乡村教育问题研究不够全面和深入,评价有失偏颇,需要做进一步的工作,才能有所创新和突破。     

全面抗战前央地关系视域下的南京国民政府省制变革

全面抗战前南京国民政府省制变革是近代中国省制变革的一个重要历史阶段。这一时期,大体经历了南京国民政府初期的省区分治与权势平衡、二次北伐完成后关于省财权人事权和军事权的央地博弈与武力纷争、中原大战后集权与分治的微妙平衡三个阶段的演变。南京政府正常的省权制度变革无法有序展开,在体制内却只能依靠军事和战争手段解决。这是最下策之下策,而且无法真正有效解决省权过大问题。直到全面抗战前夕,省制变革一直成为牵引中国时局演化与社会变动的中枢和焦点问题。     

清代贵州团练与地方政治

在清代全国团练兴起的大背景下,结合贵州具体史事,分析了贵州团练兴起的原因,介绍了贵州团练的名称,规模及其经费来源,并通过地方基层制度保甲制和基层社会重要构成部分宗族与士绅在基层社会中的地位与影响,着重分析在社会大动乱时期保甲制的困境造成团练兴起的必要性及宗族与士绅组织团练的原因。通过团练与官府的关系分析其在维护传统政治格局和社会秩序的同时侵害官府利益和权威、剥蚀离心中央政权的二重性,从而揭示清代贵州团练与地方政治关系的演变。     

Biblical anthropology and the idea of human prehistory in late antiquity

Late Antiquity is an important period in the history of anthropology because it marks a divide between the naturalistic and rationalistic anthropological ideas of Greco-Roman philosophers and the "biblical anthropology" that was formulated by Medieval Christian writers. The biblical anthropology that emerged in Late Antiquity addressed the question of the origin of the first humans, our relationship to the natural world, and the original state of mankind. While early Christian philosophers based much of this biblical anthropology on the Genesis account of early human history, they also utilized a great deal of Greco-Roman philosophy in order to expound a vision of human prehistory that profoundly influenced anthropological thought well into the modern era.     

谭克敏与抗战时期贵州的新县制改革

国民政府于1935年结束地方军绅势力长期控制贵州的局面,随后在县以下推行保甲制,加大国家权力向地方社会渗透的力度,希望将基层社会全面纳入国民政府的掌控之中,但收效甚微。1940年,谭克敏就任贵州省政府民政厅长后,开始大力推行新县制,内容包括整理行政区域、调整行政机构、创建民意机关、训练基层干部等诸多方面。谭克敏作为贵州出生的本土官员,其主持的民政厅成为贯彻中央意志和协调地方利益的关键机构。在人才缺乏、经费拮据的情况下,通过新县制的实施,国家权力在贵州基层社会以前所未有的力度向下渗透。     

The government,the opposition and the President of the Republic under Berlusconi

This article assesses the behaviour of three actors, the government, the opposition and the President of the Republic, in the first two years of Berlusconi's government. Though solidly controlled by Berlusconi, his government has already had to replace two important ministers and some under-secretaries and has often behaved like a traditional coalition government. Moreover, it has so far achieved virtually none of the promises made in the 'Contract with the Italians'. It is feebly challenged by a divided opposition, unorganized, leaderless, unable to create a shadow government and just waiting for Romano Prodi's return from Brussels. Precisely because of its weakness, the opposition has often tried to rely on the President of the Republic as a check on Berlusconi's exorbitant power. Indeed, Ciampi has intervened in a more or less controversial way in the drafting of some government bills and has sent a solemn message to parliament asking for a more impartial and pluralist information system; to no avail. However, Ciampi's role and behaviour suggest that the problem of the powers of the President of the Republic has not been solved. Berlusconi's own preference for a popularly elected president and his unsolved conflict of interests indicate that the political and institutional transition in Italy is not yet over.