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101.
殖民地印度时期,在南亚次大陆上分布着560多个土邦。二战后英国工党政府背弃了以往保守党的土邦政策,采取了理论上继续支持王公、现实中则背弃王公的两面性政策。代表英王的副王和政治部支持王公拥有成立自治领的权力,试图以此为筹码为王公的未来争取更多的利益,而其真实态度则是鼓励宗主国从土邦撤离,要求王公加入未来的新政府。在印巴分治的前夜,英属印度政府成立土邦部,出台《加入协定》,采取了威逼利诱的两手策略。宗主国的政策转变、政策的两面性、对土邦态度的暖昧性和土邦策略的两手性使王公被迫加入了新成立的自治领,致使印度王公消失。 相似文献
102.
1884-1898年,苏丹萨瓦金和埃及边疆省的英埃当局利用自身优势持续地引发粮食短缺,试图"饿死马赫迪叛乱"并重新征服苏丹。马赫迪国家采取各种手段积极因应,对外通过走私、袭扰、战争等手段突破封锁,对内通过控制土地和粮食资源分配统驭民众和军队,但整体上处于劣势。从实际效果看,英埃当局在北方尼罗河流域被动的粮食战争有效地遏制了马赫迪军队的进攻,在东部红海山区积极发动的粮食战争却因为当地盟友和英国海军的不配合半途而废。马赫迪国家的覆灭和英埃当局(1898-1956)的建立一定程度上都是粮食危机的发展结果,萨纳特西塔饥荒是19世纪80年代粮食战争的高潮,双方为此展开的冲突和斗争深刻影响了现代苏丹社会。 相似文献
103.
1927年国民政府奠都南京后,南京与滞留市内的江苏省发生严重利益冲突。市方为解决问题提出扩大市区、重划省市界线,由此引发涉及划界之江宁县民的强烈抵制,使得双方原本单纯的行政和经济利益博弈因掺杂勘分省界更加复杂。双方厘清市权和扩大市区的过程一波三折,国民政府作为居中调停者的态度亦多次反复。整个事件的动态变迁过程,不仅凸显了近代以来地方主义兴起后地方纠纷的复杂性,也折射出国民政府高层的权力斗争和民族主义化的城市发展理念,以及中央与地方、政府与社会之间复杂而多元的互动关系及近代城市发展的若干特点。 相似文献
104.
Ivan Gibbons 《Parliamentary History》2013,32(3):506-521
Immediately after the First World War the British Labour Party was forced to reconsider its relationship with an increasingly militant Irish nationalism. This reassessment occurred at the same time as it was becoming a major political and electoral force in post‐war Britain. The political imperative from the party's perspective was to portray itself as a responsible, moderate and patriotic alternative governing party. Thus it was fearful of the potential negative impact of too close an association with, and perceived sympathy for, extreme Irish nationalism. This explains the party's often bewildering changes in policy on Ireland at various party conferences in 1919 and 1920, ranging from support for home rule to federalism throughout the United Kingdom to ‘dominion home rule’ as part of a wider evolving British Commonwealth to adopting outright ‘ self‐determination’ for a completely independent Ireland outside both United Kingdom and empire. On one aspect of its Irish policy, however, the party was adamant and united – its opposition to the partition of Ireland, which was the fundamental principle of Lloyd George's Government of Ireland Bill of 1920 which established Northern Ireland. Curiously, that aspect of Labour's Irish policy was never discussed in the party at large. All the running was made by the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) in the house of commons in 1920. The PLP's outright opposition to the bill acted as balm throughout the wider party, binding together the confusing, and often contradictory, positions promulgated on the long‐term constitutional future of Ireland and its relationship with Britain. 相似文献
105.
行政环境和行政生态的变化导致了协同政府模式的产生。协同政府主要强调政府系统内部和政府系统与外界系统之间的协同合作关系。作为一种有效的政府治理模式,协同政府是具有强大公共事务治理能力的强政府,是能够提供优质高效公共服务的服务型政府,是具备现代信息技术的电子政府,是具有协同精神的合作政府。 相似文献
106.
宣誓是孙中山先生一贯坚持的正心之道,其后继者亦往往将这一制度视为整合民心的法宝。南京国民政府成立之后,为了塑造其政权的合法性、扩大其统治基础,隆重推出公民宣誓登记制度。这一制度是对宣誓制度的继承与发展,又与当时流行一时的法西斯主义思潮有着某种联系。由于诸多社会因素的限制,该措施并未收到理想的效果。这在一定程度上标志着国民政府对基层社会渗透与整合的失败,也是近代国家转型步入歧路的重要表征。 相似文献
107.
The thirteenth century in France saw the initiation of a series of reforms intended to define, identify and root out corruption in government. The principal architect of the campaign was King Louis IX (1226–70), ably supported by a coterie of special officials. Inspired in part by his desire to purify his kingdom in the long preparation for the crusade of 1270, he also drew on longstanding precedents in French administrative history. The campaign on the whole was quite successful. What is also remarkable is that, generated partly from the unique circumstances of individual polities and partly from circumstances, like crusading fervour, which were widely shared, other anti-corruption campaigns were mounted, also with some success. The slogans and practices of anti-corruption campaigns came to be identified intimately with good government, indeed, with the very right to exercise political authority and power. The thirteenth century thus appears to be a foundational moment in the constitution of the ideology and practices of the state. 相似文献
108.
冯建勇 《中国边疆史地研究》2007,(4)
本文试图利用当代国际政治学相关理论,阐述1888年至1904年西藏面临的安全环境,探讨英、俄两国在西藏的博弈与清政府的被动回应,以及清对西藏安全环境渐次认识和制定的相应安全战略,并对清政府的安全战略进行探讨。 相似文献
109.
国民党训政制度对孙中山训政理论的继承与背离 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
国民党的训政制度与孙中山训政理论之间的关系非常复杂,既有继承的一面,也有背离的一面,要具体问题具体分析。概而言之,在“革命程序论”上,继承了孙中山关于从“军政”到“宪政”之间要有一个“训政”过渡期的思想,而背离了他在革命程序论中提出的训政时期所应实行的政治经济主要任务的主张;在“以党治国论”上,继承了孙中山在中华革命党时期提出的以党权代替政权的思想,而背离了孙中山1924年前后对“以党治国论”的修正和完善;在“五权宪法论”上,形式上搞了一个五院制的国民政府,但在实质上则背离了孙中山提出的权能区分、人民有权、政府有能的原则。 相似文献
110.
From 1884 to 1886, the U.S. Congressional Allison Commission convened to address the administrative organization and escalating costs of the major federal scientific agencies, and to establish new modes of accountability to ensure their proper conduct. Much of the commission's attention turned to the Geological Survey's plans for the production of a geodetically accurate, national topographic map (in 2600 sheets), and the national geologic map that would follow the topographic work. While critics saw the national mapping program as an immense and inefficient scientific boondoggle, its advocates, notably its author, Survey Director John Wesley Powell, saw instead a tangible reflection of science's republican virtue – a vision of the body politic founded on both the production and the democratic and geographical distribution of useful scientific information. This paper explores the scientific nature of territoriality in late nineteenth-century America by revisiting a moment when both the technical requirements and fiscal expenses of America's new national mapping program were called into question. Through a close reading of the conflicts between Powell and the Alabama Representative, commission member, and future US Secretary of the Navy Hilary Abner Herbert, the paper examines the hearings as a complex hybrid of public sphere and formal legislative arena. The outcomes of these debates would have profound implications for the politics of scientific expertise amidst the rising American Leviathan, and for the changing dimensions of modern state territoriality and sovereignty. 相似文献