From golden hills to sycamore trees: pastoral homelands and ethnic identity in Irish immigrant fiction, 1860–75

The prose fiction that remembers the trials of starvation and eviction of the Great Famine (1845–50) often juxtaposes representations of blasted, infertile land with images of a green, idyllic Erin. Through a discussion of Mary Anne Sadlier's Bessy Conway (1861), Elizabeth Hely Walshe's Golden Hills: A Tale of the Irish Famine (1865) and John McElgun's Annie Reilly (1873), this article reveals that immigrant writers of the Famine generation often negotiate depictions of Famine-stricken wasteland with evocations of a pastoral homeland. In the case of the two Catholic novels, Bessy Conway and Annie Reilly, the pastoral becomes a point of ethnic identification through which the immigrants can recollect and reconstruct a sense of Irishness in exile. By contrast, Golden Hills, which focuses on the Anglo-Irish ascendancy, does not lament the mass exodus of afflicted Irish: the novel rather envisions emigration as a way to regenerate Ireland as locus amoenus.     

难民认同：基于苦难历史记忆、政策及现实利益的想象——以广东省小岭华侨农场越南归侨为例

本文选择小岭华侨农场越南归侨为研究对象,运用田野调查和历史档案资料,阐释了在特殊迁移经历、政府倾斜性扶持政策及现实利益等因素的影响下,华侨农场越南归侨实现和巩固了对难民身份的想象与认同。     

Portrayals of Non-North Koreans in North Korean Textbooks and the Formation of National Identity

This article examines the portrayal of non-North Koreans in North Korean textbooks to assess the influences on the formation of North Korean identity, and how such identity formation is important in Kim Jeong-il's retention of power. This study not only looks closely at textual representations; it also examines how political and ideological changes in North Korea had a critical influence on these texts. The study encompasses both lexico-grammatical analysis and the analysis of textual and visual images, based on an examination of six North Korean language textbooks published from 1954 to 2000. It demonstrates that North Korean identity is defined through the portrayal of non-North Koreans, particularly enemy others. The portrayal of non-North Koreans facilitates the formation of a solid North Korean identity – an identity that entails serving their political leaders, remaining vigilant against threats to their country, and liberating South Koreans from poverty and oppression by America and its puppet states.     

Identity and borders: seventeenth-century Hungarian travellers in the West and the East

The survey discusses the identity and self-image of seventeenth-century Hungarian and Transylvanian travellers as conveyed through their travel texts. The cultural borders in the mental map of the travellers coincided with the eastern and south-eastern borders of Transylvania. They placed themselves in the same position as their Western European contemporaries. Although the general tone of their diaries was one of admiration, they did not make explicit comparisons to the disadvantages of their home. There are also some cases of criticism on a civilisational basis towards the West, which shows that the travellers felt that they were on equal grounds to the West. The few cases of auto-stereotypes also show that some travellers tended to reinforce even the negative stereotypes attributed to Hungarians in order to question the Western discourse which placed them on a lower grade on a scale of civilisation. Towards their Eastern neighbours, the travellers tended to use a condescending tone: qualities such as boorishness, lack of education and barbarity were attributed to Russians, Wallachians and Moldavians. The worst reputation belonged to the Ottomans: in their case, even if – in a very few cases – tolerance and understanding came into picture, there was no possibility of acceptance. Hungarian travellers only used the discourse of their own inferiority towards Western Europeans when it was a part of their political agenda – otherwise, they included themselves in the concept of the region, imagined on the basis of erudition and Latin education – which they more and more often called Europe.     

National identity,allegiance and constitutional change in the United Kingdom†

ABSTRACT. It has become conventional to discuss nationalism in terms of identity. While this approach is fruitful and illuminating, it can often be ambiguous, running together cultural, social, personal and political issues. It becomes particularly problematic when discussing multinationalism, the character of which may be confused by reference to national identity alone. Allegiance is used in this article to explore how a political commitment to the multinational state can coexist with a range of national and regional identities in the United Kingdom. The argument is that, recent constitutional changes notwithstanding, the multinational ideal involves still a state of distinctive national identities tempered by the habit of allegiance to legitimate British government.     

Devolution and national identity: the rules of English (dis)engagement

ABSTRACT. In this article I consider why the expected English backlash to the asymmetric UK devolution settlement has not yet materialised. Using a corpus of conversational interviews, I discuss the various ways in which people in England currently understand the relationship between national identity and political entitlement. I conclude that English political quiescence, far from constituting an enigma, is comprehensible in the light of the fact that members of the general public do not usually base their assessments of political legitimacy on calculations of English national self‐interest defined in contrast to Scotland. Rather, political issues tend to be judged with reference to principles of equity and procedural justice. English identity is rarely considered legitimate grounds for political voice. Rather, people are inclined to demonstrate a concern to balance the recognition of Scottish rights to national self‐determination, with a display of public reason, civility and civic responsibility understood to be normatively incumbent upon the English majority.     

跨地方对话与地方重构——从“炼狱”到“天堂”的石门坎

跨地方对话是地方内外系统交流的主要形式和途径,是理解地方意义的重要视角,对地方的建构和再造有独特作用。贵州石门坎大花苗(族)借助基督教会的进入,启动跨地方对话,通过西方生产技术和处世价值观的吸收及民族文化符号的重构,实现民族认同的重生,达成了民族崛起。大花苗(族)自组织能力的提升、地方话语权的获得及主体地位的体现,促使其民族"自我赋权",实现地方意义的重塑。以贵州石门坎为案例,结合地理学相关分支学科的思想进行深入的田野调查,研究跨地方对话对地方认同以及地方意义重构的作用,以期丰富跨地方的学术研究内涵、启迪少数民族文化觉醒,有助于他们能够正确把握并应对越加剧烈的外来文化的冲击。     

Global Fordism in 1950s Urban China

This article highlights the striking similarity of underlying social forms on both sides of the 1950s Cold War divide. Urban China in the early People’s Republic is interpreted as a variant of Fordism, a coherent social system that assumed hegemony across the globe in the postwar period. Under Fordism, bureaucratic mediation of a rationalized production process was brought together with a new regime of inclusive and homogeneous work and culture, all of which supported a vision of national unity and industrial development. Such an understanding may prove useful in working through difficulties in theorizing this period and in pursuing new directions for research.     

女性工作场所的身份认同与阶层生产——以某高校食堂为例

本文在劳动过程理论和女性地理学研究的理论成果上,对学校食堂进行研究,分析两种类型女工在工作场所的分工等级与认同机制。首先,劳动过程理论的意义在于解析了资本主义在发展过程中,如何制造服从的员工和稳固的分工等级关系;但是本文研究表明,当部分女工没有被完全纳入生产的中心环节时,她们进入工作场所之前的性别身份就起到了重要的预设作用。籍此,本文试图推动社会-空间作用双层机制研究,尝试推动微观空间尺度内自我身份在劳动过程中认定与生产的理论建构。     

Vulnerability and nationalism: the support for the war against Iraq in five established states

ABSTRACT. This essay attempts to shed light on why aggressive ideas gain support within established western states. To do that it attempts to answer the question why the armed conflict against Iraq received such varied support during the first four months of 2003 within the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, France and Spain. A comparative study indicates that the justifications for the armed conflict must be endorsed in the national identities of the particular states. If not, either the justifications or national identities have to be modified. The dominant elite emerge as essential to this process, as does the public experience of vulnerability. It appears that the war against Iraq received such varied support because the initial definitions of national identities endorsed the justifications for the war to different degrees, the dominant elites promoted different opinions and the people experienced different degrees of vulnerability.