Friends,neighbors, and sponsors in the 2016 French primary election. Revisiting a classical hypothesis from aggregated-level data

Using the concept of “friends and neighbors”, we attempt to answer a main question: Do candidates in a primary election perform best in territories where they benefit from many supporters among local representatives and partisan networks? Therefore, we collected a unique data set during the French right and center primary election of November 2016. For all candidates, in addition to their political career and the strength of their local anchorage, we considered the sponsorships they received from parliament members and local representatives. After fleshing out these data, we included it in a multivariate analysis of mobilization and votes in French departmental elections. Particularly, we distinguished local anchorage from the ability to mobilize partisan resources. Our results show that both phenomena have an important impact on primary outcomes.     

Buddhism,Democracy and Power in the 1932 Thai Revolution

The People’s Party toppled the Siamese absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy in Thailand in June 1932. Scholars have generally denied that the revolution had any popular resonance, but this article shows that in Buddhism, the country’s premier cultural form, democratic rhetoric in the 1930s resonated among young monks marginalised by the ecclesiastical hierarchy. A group of young monks within the Mahanikai, or Great Order, rebelled against the palace-established Thammayut order that exercised the most power in institutional Buddhism. A “thin” or formal democracy established in 1932 – one displaying the main trappings of a regime of popular sovereignty but purposefully limited in scope by the People’s Party – thus inspired an assertion of a “thick” democracy, or democracy as a much older social value that governed both the Sangha internally and its relations with local communities, which the Mahanikai activists claimed was the core of original Buddhism.

     

论二次革命时期的省议会联合会

省议会联合会是在各省议会联合反对适用<谘议局章程>的斗争中产生的.二次革命前,省议会联合会激烈反对袁世凯政府独裁卖国行为;二次革命爆发后,又企图充当类似国会的角色,发挥国民党政治中枢的作用,但囿于事实和法理,该会既不能联合各省议会,又不能代表民意,作用有限,远不如清末的谘议局联合会.国民党在二次革命军事失败的同时,在政治、法律层面上也看不到任何胜利的希望.     

Shepherds and plants in the Alps: multi-proxy archaeobotanical analysis of neolithic dung from “La Grande Rivoire” (Isère,France)

The analysis of phytoliths, pollen, charcoal and other macroremains was carried out in the neolithic shelter of “La Grande Rivoire”, Vercors massif (French Alps). The results show the predominance of tree species, in the form of phytoliths, clustered pollen, stomata, small branches charcoal, needles, bark, buds… The practice of leaf fodder is already known in the alpine and circum-alpine area from archaeological and historical sources. The analyses of the neolithic dung levels of “La Grande Rivoire” illustrate the use of leafy and flowering tree branches as fodder. The results also suggest that some species were used for special purpose in relation with the tending of livestock (litter, dietary supplement, veterinary practices).     

美国对中国“文化大革命”的反应(1966～1968)

196 6年 7月 ,迫于国际局势的压力 ,约翰逊政府提出了“遏制但不孤立”中国的政策 ,但该政策提出后并没有得到有始有终的实施。美国学者的一种观点认为 ,其原因在于中国的“文化大革命”运动阻碍了美国的外交努力 ,使中美之间失去了一次改善关系的重要机会。然而 ,美国国务院最新解密的外交政策档案显示 ,这一观点的准确性值得怀疑。美国对“文化大革命”运动的反应有自己的政策考虑 :它为中国这场内乱设定了目标 ,即希望这场运动导致中国政局发生有利于美国的变化。 1 96 7年中后期 ,随着“文化大革命”局势的渐趋稳定 ,美国的期望落空 ,美国政府内强硬派人士拒绝进一步尝试新的对华政策     

马克思的五种社会形态理论与陈独秀的“二次革命论”

理论界在考察陈独秀的"二次革命论"的思想来源和理论基础时,往往与苏联和共产国际的指示、与其自身残存的资产阶级民主思想、与国共合作的实际环境相联系,实际上这只是一种表面现象.只要仔细阅读陈独秀的著述,不难发现,陈独秀在论述中国革命的一系列问题时,是基于其社会历史进化观,这种社会历史进化观深受马克思的五种社会形态理论的影响,可以说,马克思的五种社会形态理论才是陈独秀"二次革命论"的理论基础.     

国民革命期间中共之宣传策略初探--以1923-1925年之《向导》为中心

国民革命时期,中共进行了积极而卓有成效的宣传工作,对国民革命的进程和国共两党的关系产生了很大的影响.本文通过对1923-1925年中共机关刊物<向导>周报的考察,分析中共在此时期宣传策略的转变和宣传话语的特点,即中共如何将"左派"、"右派"、"阶级斗争"等概念引入国民革命的过程,从而勾勒出国民革命期间中共在宣传上从被动到主动,争取到宣传强势,并最终将阶级斗争理论与国民革命结合起来的轨迹.     

论新民主主义革命时期马克思主义大众化的策略

新民主主义革命时期,马克思主义大众化的成功推进和采取有效的大众化策略密切相关,即要使马克思主义能够为人民大众听得到、听得懂、听得进,以及围绕着这"三听"所制定的一系列措施.     

司徒雷登与战后中国的"新革命运动"

战后中国的"新革命运动"是由司徒雷登发起的,其目的是通过国民党政府内部的改革,把CC系的势力排除出去,让自由主义势力进入政府并掌握政权,以维持国民党政权的统治,对抗中国共产党领导的革命运动.由于"新革命运动"是建立在错误的基础之上,司徒雷登试图通过"新革命运动"挽救国民党统治的努力最终失败.