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61.
通过对考古资料的梳理,可以将迄今为止已发掘清理的9座晚唐五代时期钱氏家族墓葬划分为以吴越建国为界的前后两个阶段。前一阶段以水邱氏墓为代表,后一阶段以马氏墓(康陵)为代表。前后两个阶段的墓葬形制有明显的发展变化,在随葬品的种类及组合方面也有差别。总体上,钱氏家族墓葬以秘色瓷为主要随葬品,特别是在墓内绘刻天文星象图,在同时期墓葬中具有鲜明的特色。  相似文献   
62.
王加华 《史学月刊》2006,2(3):91-97
乡村戏剧、社会交往及赌博是近代江南乡村地区几种比较重要的娱乐活动。但细究之下,这些活动并非在一年之中的每一个时段都会均匀地进行,而总是会伴随着农事活动的开展显示出一定的周期性,即通常集中在农闲时期进行,一入农忙则就很少发生。这实际上反映出一种社会节奏与自然节律间相契合的关系。  相似文献   
63.
本文通过对《颜氏家训》和司马光《家范》两者的篇目设置、关注重点、治家原则以及家族命运的担忧与期望诸问题进行讨论,分析中古家训的社会价值,借以阐释中古社会历史发展的趋势特征。  相似文献   
64.
A field survey revealed that Byzantine and Early Arab (ca. 5th to 8th century C.E.) agricultural systems in the semi-arid region of the Shephelah (central Israel) were similar to runoff agricultural systems in the arid region of the Negev (southern Israel). This similarity led to the hypothesis that systems in the Shephelah also function as runoff farms. This hypothesis is not trivial since runoff values in semi-arid regions are generally low due to intensive but short rainfall events, and due to the presence of sink patches that absorb runoff on slope surface. The aim of the current research is to examine whether runoff potential in a representative agricultural system in the Shephelah is sufficient for sustaining runoff farming. A geoarchaeological field survey and digital terrain analysis show that large Nari (calcrete) outcrops on the footslopes generate high runoff values that improve water potential. Hydrological simulations and calculations show that 230 mm of direct rainfall generates a water potential equivalent to 300 mm of direct rainfall. In view of these results, it is reasonable to conclude that the presence of Nari enabled runoff agricultural farming in the Shephelah region, even in drought years.  相似文献   
65.
As colonial frontiers expanded in the nineteenth century, contests over access to land suitable for farming between pastoralists, small farmers and indigenous populations were the inevitable result. In colonial Auckland, this contest was particularly vigorous, firstly because the young settlement's economic survival was at stake, since environmental constraints largely prevented its participation in the lucrative New Zealand wool industry, and secondly, because the economic and military prowess of indigenous Maori meant that settlers had little room to move in. Auckland's wealthy pastoralists pinned their hopes on the occupation of Maori land to the south of Auckland, since this was more suitable for sheep than the settlement's immediate environs, but this required dispossessing the Maori population by force. Initially, this obstacle gave small farmers a political advantage over the pastoralists, but as firstly arable markets, and then plans for small farmers and Maori to rear sheep themselves, all faltered, the pastoralist cause became increasingly difficult for colonial authorities to resist. When these authorities finally turned against the Maori communities south of Auckland, and launched an imperial war against them, the pastoralists successfully lobbied for the lands they most coveted to be confiscated from Maori, an event that radically altered New Zealand's future economic geography.  相似文献   
66.
本认为西突厥分裂为附唐与附蕃的两大政权系统乃是噶尔家族专国吐蕃、同唐朝激烈争夺西域的历史产物,这些政权的盛衰嬗递虽不像唐朝所册的西突厥可汗那样脉络清楚,但也同样断续相承,基本上与噶尔家族的兴亡相始终,构成唐、蕃西域角逐的重要内容。  相似文献   
67.
The spread of agriculture in the Iberian Peninsula is documented from at least ca. 5600–5500BC, although botanical data are absent or very limited for large areas. Archaeobotanical information shows from the beginning an imported agrarian system with a great diversity of crops: hulled and naked wheats and barleys, legumes such as pea, lentil, fava bean, vetches and grass peas, flax and poppy. This diversity of plants with different requirements, processing and uses, implies that the first farmers quickly imported or acquired a wide range of agrarian knowledge. Regional and inter-site agrarian differences are discussed in relation to factors like ecology, culture, use of the cultivated plants and management of the risk of crop failure. The adoption of farming resulted in significant ecological, economic, dietary, and social changes for the Neolithic people of Iberia.  相似文献   
68.
通过对“祖家将”这一关宁军中较为重要的武将集团在关宁军中地位之演变可知,天启年间“祖家将”在关宁军中的地位较低。袁崇焕督师辽东期间,祖大寿因战功擢升为总兵,在大凌河之战后,祖大寿的地位得以稳固,随即发展个人势力。但应看到,“祖家将”在关宁军中始终没有占据绝对主导地位,明廷对关宁军控制较深。因此,“家军”、“将门”的方式,不能完全用来揭示关宁军的性质,不能将关宁军简单界定为独立于明廷的军阀武装。  相似文献   
69.
For over 20 years, the Family and Community Historical Research Society, FACHRS, has challenged the notion that universities should have a near monopoly on the construction, ownership, validation and transmission of knowledge. Its central strategy, of publishing research derived from its aggregation of data from connected local research projects, has its immediate roots in an Open University module, Family & Community History: 19th and 20th centuries, DA301. This emphasised research construction co-operation within a social scientific framework. The roots of the FACHRS also lie in the development, since Victorian times, of sociable, collaborative and co-operative local history projects. The FACHRS’s progress was framed by its engagement with communications and database technology and digitisation during a period when demarcation lines and epistemic identities, both within universities and outside them, dissolved and reformed.  相似文献   
70.
The concept of therapeutic landscapes has been used as a way to critically understand how health and well-being are related to place. However, traditional discourses on therapeutic landscapes have been constructed from an anthropocentric perspective, completely ignoring and silencing the agency and experiences of non-humans. Building on the idea of therapeutic spaces as assemblages, I highlight the heterogeneity of elements that come together to produce therapeutic space. Mobilizing empirical research undertaken in spaces involved in the practice of ‘care farming’, I demonstrate how non-human presence actively creates and facilitates a therapeutic engagement with place. However, with this recognition of the non-human in therapeutic spaces, there is a need to discuss animals’ contested positions, and question the ways in which being part of these assemblages impacts animals; for whom are these landscapes therapeutic? Thus, this article advocates a critical understanding of the role of non-human animals as both co-constituents and co-participants of therapeutic spaces, moving from framing therapeutic spaces – and the animals within them – purely in relation to human needs and desires.  相似文献   
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