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11.
Gonzalo Villalta Puig 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2018,72(3):240-254
ABSTRACTEconomic relations between Australia and the European Union (EU) have always been strong, but they have not always been easy. They have been difficult for Australia because it associated the EU with the loss of the UK preferential export market on its entry into the then European Economic Community. And because Australia associated the EU with the original Common Agricultural Policy, which combined subsidies for agricultural production and high agricultural tariffs to make Australian agricultural exports not competitive. They have been difficult for the EU also. Australia developed a biosecurity system to protect its agricultural sector: quarantine requirements and food safety standards made the importation of EU plant and animal products too costly. Yet Australia and the EU need each other. The EU, which is Australia’s largest services trade and investment partner, supplies the business services that drive a knowledge economy and provides the credit to finance economic development. Correspondingly, the EU needs Australia both as a commercial base in Asia and as a reliable energy supplier. This article analyses the drivers and difficulties in the economic relationship between Australia and the EU as they start negotiations for a free trade agreement. 相似文献
12.
Gabriele Suder 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2018,72(3):272-286
ABSTRACTThe free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and the European Union holds the promise of strengthened political collaboration and increasing economic integration. Both Australia and the European Union note increasing bilateral trade and investment. Oftentimes, data does not take current trends in global-value-chain participation for intermediary goods and services movements into account. Behind this sit the cross-border strategies and activities of business entities, whether multinationals or large, small or medium-sized enterprises. This article provides an in-depth investigation of the premise stemming from an FTA for Australian business. What advantages can politics hope to support through a business perspective? What is the global-value-chain part of the story, and what are the business challenges ahead? How can economic policy help shape this FTA to foster a productive bilateral business environment in a geopolitical and geoeconomic context in which regionalisation has taken on new momentum? Specific focus is given to the analysis of the higher education sector and to agriculture. These are two of the leading sectors in this FTA debate. Generating business value means setting negotiation agendas to target tariff and non-tariff barriers to counterbalance ambiguity in the conditions that shape the global business environment. 相似文献
13.
Laura Allison-Reumann Margherita Matera Philomena Murray 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2018,72(3):287-303
ABSTRACTThe Brexit vote will fundamentally transform the European Union (EU) and will change how the UK relates to Europe and the rest of the world. What are the implications for Australia at this critical juncture? The UK has been a major player in the Australia–EU relationship, and Australia will now need to recalibrate its approach to both the UK and the EU across a range of policy areas. This article examines the future of Australia–UK and Australia–EU relations in the wake of Brexit, and assesses Australia’s options going forward. The authors advance three considerations. Firstly, Australia’s national interests are best served by adopting a pragmatic rather than nostalgic approach towards future relations with the UK and the EU. Secondly, Australia should avoid pursuing one relationship at the expense of the other and creating a zero-sum dynamic. Finally, Australia’s future strategy must consider broader global developments, such as events within its own region and the US presidency. 相似文献
14.
Regional strategic assets and the location strategies of emerging countries’ multinationals in Europe 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Riccardo Crescenzi Carlo Pietrobelli Roberta Rabellotti 《European Planning Studies》2016,24(4):645-667
This paper explores the location strategies of multinational enterprises (MNEs) from emerging countries (EMNEs) in search for regional strategic assets. The analysis is based on a systematic comparison between EMNEs and multinationals from advanced countries (AMNEs) in order to unveil similarities and differences between these two major sources of foreign investment into the regions of the European Union. The empirical results suggest that EMNEs follow a distinctive logic in their location strategies. They are attracted by the availability of technological competences only when their subsidiaries pursue more sophisticated and technology-intensive activities. Conversely, EMNEs share some behavioural similarities with AMNEs in their response to the spatial agglomeration of investments. 相似文献
15.
Charlie Hall 《国际历史评论》2019,41(3):559-580
One of the most important dilemmas facing the British authorities when they occupied their zone of Germany at the end of the Second World War was what to do with German science. The contributions made by scientists and engineers to the Nazi war machine, in fields such as rocketry and submarines, meant that German science was both revered and feared, and was therefore closely linked to concerns about a post-war military resurgence in Germany. This article aims to chart the changing approaches which the British occupation officials adopted towards German science in this period. While the initial intention was to prevent Germany from ever waging war again, through demilitarisation, denazification and dismantling, the focus changed as British enmity shifted from a former adversary, Germany, to a former ally, the Soviet Union. Policy reflected this shift as technology transfer and the reconstruction of domestic German science won greater favour. This article aims to show that, in the face of growing hostility from the USSR and in the deeply suspicious climate of the early Cold War, Britain was forced to abandon its moral mission towards German science and adopt a far more pragmatic strategy instead. 相似文献
16.
活跃在19、20世纪之交的美国传奇式人物戴维·J.希尔集多种身份于一身,而他最为后人记取的是他在国际关系学科领域的开创性成就。他所著的《欧洲外交史》三卷,是欧美学界的第一部国际关系史通史著作,极大地推动了19、20世纪之交欧美国际关系学科的兴起。该著作既清晰描绘了1800多年间欧洲政治的宏观轨迹,又生动展示了欧洲国际关系进程的丰富画面。它具有以下几个突出的特点:对历史主线的精当把握、对历史偶然因素的深刻揭示、对文献资料的广泛挖掘以及清新活泼的写作手法。这些特点使该著作成为国际关系史学的不朽经典。 相似文献
17.
The biocultural effects of European contact varied considerably throughout the Americas. Some populations were decimated by colonialism, while others benefited from trade relationships and access to new technologies. It has been suggested that initial contact with European fur traders and explorers was economically favourable for Plains village populations, thereby facilitating a period of cultural florescence. In this study, we evaluate the hypothesis that Plains groups were better off than their predecessors during the initial contact period by comparing frequencies of enamel hypoplasia, cribra orbitalia, and porotic hyperostosis in pre‐ and post‐contact Arikara skeletal assemblages. We included both juveniles and adults in our sample to capture variation in the stress experience of different segments of the population. Our analysis revealed similarly low frequencies of cribra orbitalia in the pre‐ and post‐contact groups and no observed cases of porotic hyperostosis. Enamel hypoplasia, however, was significantly more prevalent among post‐contact Arikara villagers when compared to their pre‐contact counterparts, which suggests that stress levels were higher after European contact. Additionally, enamel hypoplasia was most common among post‐contact juveniles. The elevated frequency of enamel hypoplasia in the post‐contact sample combined with the low frequencies of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis suggests that disease stress, rather than nutritional deficiencies, was likely responsible for the decline in overall health following European contact. These results also suggest that juveniles are sensitive indicators of systemic stress within a population and should be included in bioarchaeological analyses of prehistoric health when available. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
18.
Natalia Buier 《对极》2020,52(6):1603-1623
This article offers a critical account of Spanish high-speed rail (HSR) through the lens of the spatial fix. I designate the integration of Spanish HSR into a European-wide process of circulation of finance capital as the HSR-finance complex. The analysis of the inner workings of the HSR-finance complex reveals the way in which European finance has laid the conditions of possibility for the development of the project and offers a forewarning about the dangers of leveraging finance capital toward green infrastructure. The analysis of the Spanish HSR-finance complex shows that the particular form of capital circulation that has made it possible has not brought about new productive combinations but has instead deepened traditional relations of economic dependency and magnified their socioenvironmental consequences. 相似文献
19.
中俄交往始于蒙古西征和金帐汗国时代(1238-1480年),中国学人撰写俄国史自1878年刊印的鹭江奇迹人的《俄国志略》,到今天已经有整整140年的历史。中国的俄国史学科伴随民族命运、国家危机以及世界形势的变化而生,自诞生之日起即负有学人情怀、民族重任和学术职责三重使命。因此,俄国史学科在中国一直发挥着“知夷”和“盗火”的两大作用。中华人民共和国成立后,俄国史(包括苏联时期和俄罗斯联邦时期)研究获得了70年的巨大发展,主要成就有:1985年中国苏联东欧史研究会成立(1992年英文更名为中国俄罗斯东欧中亚史研究会),高等院校、社会科学院、党校、国家有关部委及党政机构纷纷设立俄国史或俄罗斯问题研究机构,建立了从历史学学士、俄国史硕士到俄国史博士的三级专业人才培养体系,俄国史和俄罗斯问题研究的专业期刊创立并连续出版,大量的俄国通史、中俄(中苏)关系史、专题著作、各类教科书、翻译著作(来自俄文、英法、法文、德文、波兰文等)出版,中国俄国史学者积极参与国际学术会议和国际合作研究,具有中国特色的中国“俄罗斯学”新学科正在建立过程中。 相似文献
20.
This paper, based on research conducted with asylum seekers in three European Union (EU) member-states, examines the connections among various forms of violence against forced migrants in different state settings. Because violence that is produced within states is not uniform and often transcends borders, understanding how it varies across different geographical settings illustrates the complexity of the risks that migrants face. This paper presents a typology that examines interconnections between the production of various forms of violence and the complex spaces that constitute irregular migration into the EU to better understand these multifaceted factors and why we can anticipate certain forms of violence in a particular space. It also fosters future avenues of research as it provides a foundation for greater collaboration and advocacy to expose and rectify hierarchical imbalances of power and actors responsible for such violence. 相似文献