Ancient Boats, Boat Timbers, and Locked Mortise-and-Tenon Joints from Bronze/Iron-Age Northern Vietnam

This paper describes two nautical discoveries buried c .2000 years ago in the Red River alluvial plain, northern Vietnam. One is part of a logboat with a series of empty mortise and locking-peg holes for plank attachment using loose rectangular tenons. The other, from an infant mortuary house, is a series of re-used 4-m-long timbers with exactly the same locked mortise-and-tenon technology. Both finds are interpreted as having belonged to river-boats like those shown on the sides of Heger 1 (Dong Son) bronze drums. Potentially-related technologies from the Mediterranean and China are also discussed.
© 2006 The Authors     

董其昌《山水》册与《董范合参图》轴辨伪

上海博物馆藏董其昌《山水》册(共十开),为天启四年(1624)元旦所作,实并非董氏真迹。据考,该年四月董其昌才抵京。同时,该册对题均节录自董氏及明清书画著录著作与晚清文学笔记中,其第二开对题,与故宫博物院藏董氏癸酉(1633)夏五所作《董范合参图》轴题跋相同。再考《山水》册笔法,嫩弱飘浮,墨色平淡,与典型的董其昌风格相差甚远,更无其生拙秀逸之气;而《董范合参图》轴,用笔亦尖劲细碎,全幅墨气滞涩,艺术水准远不及故宫博物院藏董氏十二年前所作《仿古山水图》册,亦无法企及董氏卒前一年所作的《关山雪霁图》卷。可见,《山水》册和《董范合参图》轴非董氏本家之作。     

明代西安下马陵方位变迁考——兼论董仲舒墓所在地之争

拙文详考了明代西安下马陵从城南胭脂坡处演变为地处城内今和平门内西侧的过程,并且指出,正德初年陕西提学王云凤曾组织民力修筑城南下马陵和董子祠。嘉靖三年(1524年)陕西巡抚王珝与巡按御史喻茂坚首设城内董子祠,因其处原有墓,遂被时人认作董仲舒墓。笔者认为今之董墓所在之争在无可信证据前提下展开,并无意义。     

论"夷"和"东夷"

“东夷”本是传世和出土文献对古史上某一时期东方居民的称谓。近年来,随着考古学的发展,越来越多的学者把黄淮下游海岱地区史前考古学文化的族属称为东夷。本文旨在根据传世和出土文献的相关记载,廓清“夷”和“东夷” 的产生、发展、流变和消失的历史过程。     

董邦达《四美具合幅图》的创作、陈设及其意涵

本文以图像、文献和档案为基础,试图藉诸种材料的分析,阐述董邦达奉乾隆皇帝之命绘制《四美具合幅图》的缘由,以及作者对绘画主题、题材、风格、构图的选取,通过分析作品从母本到成品的制作过程,力求揭示出皇帝、词臣和画家在创作中的意愿和互动。作者试图借助个案分析,揭示词臣画家在乾隆宫廷内艺术风格的形及其发展过程中的种种复杂性。此外,作者对绘画史研究     

《东吴三惠诗文集》整理记

《东吴三惠诗文集》指清代学者惠周惕、惠士奇、惠栋三人的诗文集。三惠之诗文集。传世者有惠周惕《砚谿先生诗集》7卷、《文集》1卷、《砚谿先生遗稿》2卷,惠士奇《半农集》3卷与惠栋《松崖文钞》2卷等。笔者此次整理,除将以上诸集校勘标点外,还辑得《东吴三惠佚文辑补》5卷．《东吴三惠诗文集有关诸家序跋与提要》1卷及《东吴三惠重要传记材料》1卷。本文即对诸集之版本、内容与整理过程进行说明与述论。     

明代董汝瀚、董李父子墓志考析

董汝瀚、董李父子墓志为探讨明代青州望族董氏家族历史及葬地提供了珍贵金石文献资料。两篇志文不仅可补董应举《崇相集》和钟羽正《崇雅堂集》的缺佚,而且关涉到多位《明史》有传或名见《明史》的历史人物,具有重要学术研究价值。     

由《春秋》纯儒而“益世”儒宗--《汉书》对董仲舒武帝朝地位的重构

《史记》中的董仲舒不过是专治《春秋》的纯儒,而这一认识在《汉书》中发生了变化。我们看到在武帝朝并未被过于重视的《春秋》纯儒董仲舒,随着汉代政治形势及学术倾向的变化,至元帝时地位已经远远高于武帝时期。至刘向时董仲舒始被鼓吹为对武帝朝政治有重大影响的儒宗。班固接受了刘向的说法,并为使得董仲舒符合两汉的儒宗标准而刻意通过种种手段提高了他在武帝朝的政治参与度,于是董仲舒从《史记》的纯儒一变而为《汉书》中"于世有益"的儒宗。     

Textual Authority and Its Naturalization in Liang Shuming's Dong–Xi wenhua ji qi zhexue

This article discusses how Liang Shuming's Dong–Xi wenhua ji qi zhexue (Eastern and Western Cultures and Their Philosophies) adopted a genealogical mode of textual authorization which took shape in its depiction of Chinese history as a failure to live up to an ideal way of life imagined by Confucius. Implied in this discourse was the idea that Liang himself had been the first Confucian to understand what Confucius had truly meant. This genealogical discourse authorizing Liang and his text by linking them directly to Confucius was further strengthened by a rhetoric which naturalized the discourse passed down from Confucius to Liang, distinguishing it from other forms of discourse seen as artificial. Finally, the text's genealogical discourse also managed to incorporate the May Fourth critique of Confucianism by rejecting the historical manifestations of Confucianism before salvaging an ideal imagined by Confucius which was presented as uncontaminated by history and Confucianism's enmeshment in state power.     

董必武首倡"按法律办事"

1954年1月14日,董必武在政务院第202次会议上对1954年政法工作的主要任务作了说明,认为国家已经进入大规模的经济建设时期,治国方略应从搞运动转到"按法律办事".这是董必武在新中国成立以后第一次郑重提出"按法律办事",同时,他还提出了"培养群众法律意识"、"教育人民守法,首先要国家机关工作人员守法"等思想,这是他经过多年观察、思考而凝练出的治国良策,是他法学思想的升华.