论邓小平复出前后有关按劳分配的思想

1975年邓小平第二次复出后 ,即坚决主张实行按劳分配原则 ,调动各方面的积极性 ,但由于再次被打倒 ,他的这些思想和措施没有来得及贯彻落实。粉碎“四人帮”后 ,经济学界展开了有关按劳分配理论问题的大讨论 ,邓小平始终关注并坚持这一讨论 ,并提出了许多独具胆识的论述 ,其主要思想是肯定了按劳分配的社会主义性质 ,反对平均主义分配方式 ,反对按政治态度分配 ,主张搞物质鼓励 ,提出恢复奖金、稿费制度。邓小平提出的按劳分配思想 ,实质上是对社会主义本质的思考 ,是对我党以往“左”的政治经济理论和观念的纠正 ,是对劳动群众的物质利益的充分肯定     

等量劳动交换原则只是一种特例

商品交换的价值理论大多把商品交换看成等量劳动交换,是只有一个点的平衡。这其实是似是而非的认识。所谓“似是”是因为在初期简单劳动及其商品交换的严格限制条件下,双方都知道要生产所交换的商品需要的大致劳动量,等量劳动交换的实现比较容易;所谓“而非”,则是因为在发达复杂的商品交换中,交换者很难统一计量出对方商品所包含的劳动量,等量劳动交换原则事实上就不具有普遍适用的意义。商品交换的比较利益原则才是普遍适用的原则,等量劳动交换原则只是比较利益原则的一种特例。     

拉萨八廓街旅游劳工移民地方融入研究

地方融入是地方理论的延展和应用领域,其本土化实践与理论研究还有待推进.本文以拉萨八廓街的旅游劳工移民为研究对象,采用关键词网络分析和扎根理论,结合四层一体分析框架,探索该群体的地方融入现状和过程.研究表明:①拉萨八廓街旅游劳工移民地方融入过程可划分为自评、动机、实践和依恋4个阶段;②拉萨的社会氛围体现在对外的高度包容性...     

新中国成立初期的劳资协商会议制度——以郑州市为例

劳资协商会议是党和政府调解劳资关系的重要制度,它以“发展生产,繁荣经济,公私兼顾,劳资两利”为基本原则,对调解劳资关系、恢复发展经济起到了积极作用。根据中央和河南省的指示精神,1950年,郑州市积极设立劳资协商会议,为私营工商业发展做出了贡献。“五反”运动后,郑州市的劳资协商会议对缓和劳资关系、恢复生产、稳定社会秩序起到了一定的作用。     

Quotidian geographies: placing feminism

We discuss Susan Hanson's contributions to geography during the 1970s and 1980s through the lens of quotidian geographies, geographies of the everyday. Beginning from our own experiences as graduate students and new faculty members, we describe the social and theoretical context in which Susan published her initial studies of men's and women's activity patterns that examined gender differences in travel behavior and their origins in men's and women's different household responsibilities. We also review her success peopling the discipline of geography. We conclude that human geography has benefited from the incorporation of feminist theory and methods as Susan predicted.     

后五四时代部分北大师生的非政治倾向

五四运动后,在部分北大师生中曾出现一种非政治倾向,主张回归书斋、潜心学问。究其缘由,或许有四点成因:(一)借思想文化以解决问题的思维惯性;(二)教育救国与学术救国思潮的潜移默化;(三)为学术而学术风气的逐渐养成;(四)学生运动的流弊日益显现。这些因素最终造成一些知识界人士对政治产生了疏离乃至排斥的情绪。而从学术独立与社会分工的角度来看,这种非政治倾向当属另一种抉择,它诚然一时缓不济急,却也从一个侧翼执着地延续了新文化运动的思想启蒙事业,并使之逐渐趋于成熟、深化,故不宜简单片面予以否定。     

在“爱国”与“私利”之间——国民革命时期一例民族主义运动中的工商关系

国民革命时期,"爱国"与"私利"的权衡始终左右着商人参与民族主义运动的持久程度.省港罢工伊始,粤商激于反帝爱国的民族情感,多能牺牲"私利"而积极参加对外经济抵制运动.然而,随着运动的开展,"私利"的严重受损驱使其对投资此次罢工的"风险和成本"重新审视.而"特许证"取消后,商人更以合作的姿态援助罢工.与上海五卅运动中短暂的"劳资同盟"相比,省港罢工中的"工商联合"却呈现出稳固、持久的特点.此种在阶级、民族利益博弈中形成的"工商联合",不仅与中共民族主义运动统一战线策略的成熟、国民党"袒工抑商"的劳资政策关系密切,同时也与广州"工商合行"的行会传统及商人国民革命性的提高不无关联;更重要的是,罢工促进了经济发展,使商人深受其惠.正是"爱国"与"私利"的双重动因,共同谱奏着民族主义运动中工商关系绵延跌宕交响乐章的主题曲.     

城镇劳动就业与中国改革的发轫

劳动就业不仅是现代社会必须解决的基本问题之一,也是社会改革的推动力。20世纪70年代末的中国城镇劳动就业就是如此。中国政府通过改革的方式顺利解决了当时严峻的就业问题,为社会的发展和进一步改革创造了稳定的环境。这一实践增进了人们对社会经济发展规律的认识,加深了人们对生产关系与生产力相互关系的理解,为中国经济体制的改革奠定了一方面的基础。     

The perfect worker: discursive makings of Filipinos in the workplace hierarchy of the globalized cruise industry

Filipinos are by far the largest nationality represented on cruise ships despite the fact that cruise lines can hire from wherever they choose. The reasons for this phenomenon lie in a mélange of political, economic, and cultural factors, yet when polled, industry insiders repeatedly cite well-worn Filipino stereotypes as the primary cause. This reflects a system in which discourses surrounding workers become fixed in ways that ideologically frame Filipinos as docile and compliant yet industrious and inexpensive. Filipinos are thus constructed as readymade workers for subordinate positions rather than for roles as leaders on the ship. This case shows the subtle ways that labor becomes stratified along ethnic lines and how discourses become the fault lines that define and reproduce the great inequalities between different groups of workers. The task of this article is to understand the ways that discourses relate to the workplace positioning of Filipino seafarers and reinforce a reading of ‘Filipino-ness’ that marks them as the perfect sort of worker for the cruise lines. It is further suggested that such framings are subject to revision via worker agency and changing socioeconomic labor market conditions.     

Discerning institutional and spatial restructuring under emergent neoliberal projects in India

The policy of economic liberalization pursued by the Indian government since the 1990s in response to an economic slowdown has led to the creative destruction of institutional space and the built environment. India launched the Smart Cities Mission and the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor to enhance infrastructure delivery and employment opportunities. Focusing on these cases and using direct observation and in-depth personal interviews, this paper explores the role of emergent neoliberal projects in the country's institutional and spatial restructuring at different scales. The aim is to make a twofold contribution to urban research: first, to contribute to the discourse on neoliberalism by identifying institutional and spatial restructuring in India based on the concept of creative destruction; and second, by validating the significance of strong state and political willingness in distributing neoliberal benefits such as affordable housing and services to the poor. The paper argues for a stronger role of the state in creating equity in the urban development process and infrastructure delivery.