二里头二期文化与后羿代夏问题

后羿是生活于夏王朝西方的原始部族首领.后羿部族统治集团取代夏王朝政权,入主中原约历40年,对夏王朝时期的社会、文化造成了巨大影响.作为夏文化的二里头文化,其二期文化就是在继承一期文化的基础上,受到西方原始文化和东下冯类型文化的强烈影响而形成的.     

甘肃省城市经济辐射区及其经济协作区研究

文章选择了断裂点模型作为定量衡量的方法,应用断裂点公式、场强公式和辐射半径公式,以城市规模和城市距离为起点,计算出断裂点位置及其场强,并选择边界场强计算出了甘肃省14个主要城市的经济辐射半径。依据这一定量化的辐射范围,分析了甘肃省区域内点辐射和线辐射的特点,进而为城市经济协作区的划分、城市化战略以及非均衡发展战略的制定提供了一定的参考。     

Travel Blending: Whither Regulation?

Travel blending, as a form of travel demand management, has in recent times been celebrated by transport planners as a means of shaping travel behaviour without regulation. Accordingly, travel blending is said to overcome the problems of the state bureaucracy imposing its will upon the individual’s travel choices. In this paper we introduce a Foucauldian analysis to the field of transport in order to examine the assertions made by proponents of travel blending that they are not exercising power in the course of shaping travel behaviour. In particular, we use recent elaborations of Foucault’s work on governmentality to explore the ways in which the sites, subjects and objects of travel are discursively constituted within travel blending thereby enabling new ways of intervening upon the travelling subject. We suggest that a governmentality approach not only provides a fertile means of investigating transport but also reveals travel blending as a regulatory practice serving to structure the individual’s field of action.     

旅游供应链权力转移实证研究

本文在综述渠道权力转移的相关理论和实证研究的基础上,基于舒尔茨的渠道权力对角线转移理论,遵循产业经济学SCP研究范式,利用中国旅游业相关上市公司的ROA、ROE、ROS及MVA数据,对旅游供应链权力转移进行了实证研究。研究结果不支持旅游供应链权力由供应商向中间商发生了转移的假设,文章对这一结果进行了解释和分析。     

旅游软实力初论

旅游软实力是一种文化软实力,指旅游目的地在主客双方的文化对比、形象营销和旅游产品竞争中形成的,使旅游者认同和服膺旅游目的地文化,修正其文化偏好的能力。中国古代有过很好的旅游软实力。西方现有反客为主的单向度旅游文化空间建构模式违反了旅游软实力以主为主,以目的地真实的日常生活为理想景观的文化结构模式,是主客冲突的根源之一。彰显文化主体性是构建我国现代旅游软实力的核心工作。当前应从重建旅游实践美学、重组旅游产业结构、再造旅游管理理论等方面入手强化我国旅游软实力。     

Collapsing contexts: social networking technologies in young people’s nightlife

In the latest discussions of children and young people’s new geographies of leisure and pleasure, one controversial issue has been how digital technologies co-produce and reconfigure young people’s everyday worlds. This article draws on semi-structured interviews with 40 young people who regularly use social networking technologies in their nightlife experiences in Zurich and Lausanne, two nightlife hubs in Switzerland. Informed by Danah Boyd’s concepts of ‘collapsing contexts’ and ‘imagined audiences’, this article enables a critical engagement with young people’s emerging understanding of their nightlife contexts, which are increasingly permeated by networking technologies. I show how social networking spaces facilitate the coming together, or collapse, of various social contexts which induce young people to imagine multiple audiences, including authority figures, in their nightlife practices. These collapsing contexts and imagined audiences, I argue, present new perspectives on debates about control and surveillance in young people’s contemporary urban nightlife.     

Watermills: The Origin of the Use of Renewable Hydraulic Energy in Spain

The use of renewable hydraulic energy sources by mankind most likely has its origins in the development of the watermills. To understand the functioning of these mills, this article first reviews, through the analysis of different bibliographical sources, the technical evolution of the machinery used since the appearance of the first watermills to grind cereal grain in the 1st century bc.

Secondly, a particular area of the south-west of Spain, Alcalá de Guadaíra, has been selected for study, whose strategic location as well as its hydrological characteristics gave rise, firstly, to an intensive milling industry, and, later, a famed baking industry, from the late Middle Ages until recent decades. The huge development of these two industrial activities has made Alcalá de Guadaíra an exceptional example in Spain, with 40 watermills in the early 18th century.

Extensive work on site allowed the analysis of the state and types of watermills that still exist in this area, identifying their similarities and differences. Unfortunately, after they fell into disuse, only 28 of these mills remain today; 12 of them are in a relative good state of preservation, seven in an alarming state of ruin and, of the other nine, only some unrecognisable vestiges remain. Some of these mill buildings have been restored recently, although their machinery is missing. Only from old photographs or by visiting mills restored in other areas is it possible to determine how these watermills worked.

Due to the lack of financial resources to carry out physical restoration of the industrial heritage missing in these flour mills, a virtual model of one of them has been developed. This work provides, at least virtually, a reconstruction of the traditional mills which helps promote technological studies and shows how they worked, as part of virtual exhibitions. In addition, a computer application of augmented reality has been developed that any visitor can install on a mobile device to display the virtual reality of the machinery, generated by 3D models, so they can visualise the physical reality that they would have found in the mill.     

Taming sovereignty: constituent power in nineteenth-century French political thought

Political theorists recently focused their attention on the history of the idea of constituent power. This, they claim, shows that the notion of pouvoir constituant expressed the radical and absolute power of the sovereign people. In other words, constituent power pointed at the democratic and irresistible core of popular sovereignty. In this paper, I argue that the analysis of nineteenth-century French political thought offers a different account of constituent power’s history. Relying upon archival resources, I show that in the aftermath of the French Revolution politicians and legal scholars used constituent power to tame the very idea of sovereignty and the powers from it derived. First, during the Restoration constituent power was used to pose a limit to the power of the monarch. Second, throughout the July Monarchy scholars resorted to constituent power to oppose the Parliament's claim to be the sovereign power and the only legitimate author of the constitution. Moreover, they also used it to claim that claim that, even if the people was sovereign, its power was restricted to authorizing the constitution. Third, during the Second Republic, jurists and politicians addressed the people’s sovereign power in terms of constituent and constituted power. While the first was meant to disappear after the constitution’s approval, the second was a second-order power limited by the hierarchy of norms and the rigidity of the constitution.     

John Maynard Keynes and The Royal Swedish Academy

This paper examines John M. Keynes’s relationship with Gustav Cassel and Eli Hecksher and puts together the events related to his being awarded the 1939 Söderström Gold Medal by The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. The correspondence between these economists during the interwar years is detailed, with emphasis on their personal approaches to economic theory and history. Cassel’s and Heckscher’s critical reviews of Keynes’s General Theory are outlined as well. Lastly, an account is provided of the grounds for conferring the award on Keynes while also drawing attention to the conflict-laden proceedings within the Academy when the issue was under consideration by the institution. The final remarks ponder why Keynes received the prize despite the controversy among Swedish economists over the General Theory at the time.     

Resistance and radical democracy: freedom,power and institutions

ABSTRACT

In this article, I argue that resistance and radical democracy can be used to the good of representative democracy. I submit that resistance is about the popular power – the freedom as power – to create better institutions. I argue that the conflict and resistance that is at the core of radical democracy enables freedom and democracy and resists domination best if it is institutionalized. This counterintuitive claim is substantiated by an argument for freedom as power through representation and how the power to resist is linked to at least four domains of freedom. This builds on the work of Machiavelli, Marx and Foucault, amongst others, and insights drawn from resistance struggles across the globe. I end by proposing institutional changes to representative democracy that, I suggest, would allow us to conceive of democracy as both a form of government and a constantly destabilizing transgressive practice.