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11.
The differences between China and Western countries in human and physical environment has brought about two distinctive models
of state. In the Chinese-style state of quasi-consanguinity, in which family and state have a similar structure, imperial
power, gentry power, and clan power are the product of common ownership of consanguineous groups. The similarity in the structures
of these three kinds of power derives from the fact that they are all restricted by the power of lineage generated from the
self-sufficient small farmer economy, and must obey the conventions of ancestors which hold the benefits of the group as supreme.
The relationship between these three kinds of power, is definitely not the one that is based on the division of power that
is founded on individual private ownership in Western countries, where ‘public power’ and ‘individual private ownership’ are
antithetic, but are three aspects of the patriarchal dictatorship that complement each other. Therefore, village rule in China
and autonomy in the West are two totally different concepts, and gentry power is also not the ‘authorized power’ from the
state.
__________
Translated from the Journal of Tianjin Normal University, 2004: 1 相似文献
12.
陈独秀晚年对前苏联的政治体制进行过冷峻的思考.他的结论是:斯大林的个人独裁,斯大林对民主的粗暴践踏,根本原因不在于他"个人心术特别坏",而在于政体存在严重弊端--最高统治者手中的权力缺乏起码的制约;是独裁制造就了独裁者,而绝非相反.陈独秀晚年对社会主义民主的思考,是独到的,具有前瞻性的.他明确地告诫人们:社会主义革命后建立的"民主政权",离真正的民主自由制度还差十万八千里;不吸收、借鉴资本主义时代的政治文明机制,不搭建权力分立、监督、制衡框架,不真正确立和完善民主选举、民主决策、言论自由等等具体的制度和程序,社会主义民主必然有其名而无其实,个人集权专断的悲剧便难免重演!陈独秀晚年的这些思考和见解,不仅在20世纪已经得到了验证,在刚刚迈入门槛的21世纪,依然具有现实的启示意义. 相似文献
13.
权力寻租是当前社会产生腐败的主要原因之一。权力寻租有其产生的必然性,它严重危害国家和杜会,已成为当今世界政治中的一大顽症。制约权力寻租最有效的方法是法律制约,但是法律制约权力寻租还必须有合适的环境为支撑。 相似文献
14.
吴小安 《华侨华人历史研究》2003,(3):19-29
本文的讨论围绕三个层面展开 :华侨华人研究 ,东南亚 (华侨华人 )研究以及笔者个人对槟城—吉打州华人商业与权力关系的研究。争论的实质是这样一个理论与方法论的问题 ,即华侨华人研究应该分别被视为某一孤立的主题研究领域、区域研究和学科研究方法 ,还是一个相互关联的结合整体的问题。本文并非企图为华侨华人研究确立一个标准 ,而仅仅是呈献一个实例 ,即把个人的研究视角和经历 ,结合大的结构、进程、理论和方法论的关怀等问题 ,进行情景化的考察。 相似文献
15.
Reaching across: institutional barriers to cross‐ethnic parties in post‐conflict societies and the case of Northern Ireland
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Cera Murtagh 《Nations & Nationalism》2015,21(3):544-565
This paper investigates the paradox in post‐conflict societies of continued marginality of cross‐ethnic parties despite significant convergence in public attitudes and identities. In so doing, it examines the argument that parties that attempt to reach across the divide are constrained by consocational institutions designed to accommodate rival identities in such environments. The paper explores this puzzle in the context of Northern Ireland, drawing upon qualitative evidence from elite interviews and focus groups collected in 2012 and 2013. It concludes that cross‐community parties operating in the region do encounter formal institutional barriers, but that such barriers only partially explain the phenomenon and an interplay between formal and informal constraints underlies their position of relatively limited electoral success. 相似文献
16.
《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(1):20-55
This paper addresses a neglected aspect of the political and geographical development of the duchy of Normandy between c.987 and 1087: the expansion of the dukes' authority into the Cotentin peninsula. As narratives conceal more than they reveal about this process, ducal acta are the principal means of understanding it. In particular, the article examines the composition and use of the ducal demesne (and includes an appendix listing the lands that appear as demesne before 1087 and describing their subsequent descent). In addition, the essay looks at the men the duke recruited as supporters, the role of ducal women as ‘deputies’ in the Cotentin, and the motives of the leading rebels who fought against Duke William at the battle of Val-ès-Dunes in 1047, which have not previously been subject to close scrutiny. Comparisons are made with other parts of northern France or England, where appropriate, and the conclusions reached are relevant not just to William the Conqueror's rule in England, but also to wider arguments about how theoretical power was turned into reality. 相似文献
17.
Georgia Spanou 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2019,25(7):917-932
ABSTRACTThe article explores the cultural diplomacy initiatives undertaken by the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) during Makarios presidency (1960–1977) in order to strengthen the state acknowledgement and visibility in the international scenery and promote a nation brand focused mainly on the Hellenocentric aspect of the Greek-Cypriots’ cultural identity. Cyprus, a recently independent state (1960), shaped its cultural diplomacy practices according to the political developments; on the escalation of bi-communal conflicts internally and the international insecurity provoked by the Cold War rhetoric. This paper aims to map certain state cultural initiatives in an attempt to make connections between the internal identity-building process and the external projection of cultural identity and gain a better understanding about how a small-sized state can pursue and project a nation brand abroad by practicing the diplomacy of culture. 相似文献
18.
Alexandra Filindra 《政策研究杂志》2019,47(3):517-543
This study initiates a methodological critique of the state‐level immigration policy literature through the lens of the racial threat and group power perspectives. First, I highlight the conceptual problems related to the application of such theories to legislature‐level data analysis. Next, I demonstrate the methodological and analytical problems that raise concerns about ad hoc theorizing in this field. Using counts of hostile and welcoming immigration legislation (2005–2011), I demonstrate that outgroup size measures correlate positively with both dependent variables while measures of population growth rate yield null results unless used on their own. These results suggest that the use of legislature‐level models with demographic indicators does not allow us to gain a clear understanding of whether and how population dynamics influence immigration policymaking. Based on these findings, I recommend that when using demographic indicators as key explanatory variables, researchers provide evidence of result consistency across multiple model specifications and also test the models with both hostile and inclusive policy variables. Such protocols would help avoid ad hoc theorizing. 相似文献
19.
Michael Collins 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2017,45(4):652-671
This article advances the existing literature on British imperial aeronautics by explaining how Lord John Montagu’s extensive collaboration with military and government officials during the first decades of powered flight expanded the global distribution of the air forces and anticipated their important later role in facilitating international communication and security. In reconsidering problems of conquest and governance through an aeronautical perspective, Montagu strengthened critical junctures between British civil and military affairs, while his innovative employment of the new technology also complicated divisions between the metropolis and periphery in ways that would intensify the destructiveness of modern warfare across the planet. 相似文献
20.
Mark Johnson 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2017,24(6):823-833
This article draws on Foucault’s concept of pastoral power to understand Filipino men’s care work and the making of migrant masculinities in Saudi Arabia. Feminist scholars have indicated the gendered nature of pastoral power and emphasized what Young refers to as the ‘logic of masculinist protection’ that characterizes the contemporary security state. However, the notion of pastoral power invites further consideration of the taken for granted cultural assumptions about the way that hegemonic masculinity and forms of homosociality are characterized mainly by aggression, competition and dominance. Men’s talk about and practical involvement in assisting fellow migrants in diasporic settings foregrounds the way that an ethics of care runs up against and is entangled with the competitive bonds of masculine solidarities. While markers of material success are privileged in measuring migrant men’s accomplishments in country of origin, practices of care become central to men’s achievement of symbolic power and social legitimacy especially among their peers in the diaspora. That spatialization is also linked to temporally shifting models of masculinity and normative expectations about men over the life course. 相似文献