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101.
John Kent 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2017,45(1):93-130
The link between the Cold War and decolonisation is tackled by using the uniqueness of the complex Congo crisis and its neo-colonial elements, with a focus on agents and specific policies rather than theories and general themes. The ‘real’ Cold War is essentially defined as that followed by Kennedy, with its priority in the early 1960s, among the Cold War’s many different constituent elements, taken to be the winning of newly independent African nations to the socio-economic values and hoped-for developmental benefits of Western capitalism. The importance of using soft power to defeat the ideology of communism, as opposed to containing the allegedly expansionist Soviet aims in Africa, is highlighted. Clear distinctions are made between the Kennedy administration and those of Eisenhower and Johnson. Interpretations of decolonisation using the Congo’s particular neo-colonial circumstances have been rare, and interpretations of decolonisation in the Congo also require some qualification. In particular the role of the colonial state and its ‘partnership’ with private European enterprises, established under King Leopold, had economic consequences for the Belgian decolonisation process. The importance of the role of financial capital, as opposed to business interests simply represented through trade and industry, is emphasised. The role of the UN and its secretary general is also highlighted but not by using inaccurate perceptions of Hammarskjöld’s neutral Cold War stance. The different positions taken by the Belgians, the British and the Americans, embodying conflict and cooperation in different forms, are analysed at different times with the important consequences of the Belgian refusal to comply with UN Security Council Resolutions highlighted. The need to limit the damage from that and from the neo-colonialism of secession is analysed. Exaggerating the causal consequences of Soviet actions and accusing Lumumba, despite evidence to the contrary, of being a communist or vehicle for Soviet influence was what brought the Cold War to the Congo. The British refusal to do more than decline to support openly the neo-colonialism in Katanga, particularly by supporting action likely to end secession, threatened to damage relations with the US. Such action, which could have led to more military action, would have contributed to the success of US policy in the ‘real’ Cold War but at the expense of those British investors who were the main financial backers of the Conservative party. 相似文献
102.
北宋对外交往活动中,与西夏王朝维持着一种特殊的政治经济关系。双方官方的贡赐交往,在宋都开封与夏都兴庆之间架起了一座桥梁。两个城市之间相互学习,取长补短,使夏化得以长足发展,同时也使宋化广为传播。开封、兴庆之间的影响是相互的,而开封对兴庆的影响则是主要的。 相似文献
103.
商品交换的价值理论大多把商品交换看成等量劳动交换,是只有一个点的平衡。这其实是似是而非的认识。所谓“似是”是因为在初期简单劳动及其商品交换的严格限制条件下,双方都知道要生产所交换的商品需要的大致劳动量,等量劳动交换的实现比较容易;所谓“而非”,则是因为在发达复杂的商品交换中,交换者很难统一计量出对方商品所包含的劳动量,等量劳动交换原则事实上就不具有普遍适用的意义。商品交换的比较利益原则才是普遍适用的原则,等量劳动交换原则只是比较利益原则的一种特例。 相似文献
104.
一些学者认为清江流域夏商时期的考古学文化属于早期巴文化。通过分析,我们认为清江流域夏商时期的考古学文化可分为两两间存在时间缺环的三类遗存;从目前的考古资料看,还无法支持将清江流域夏商时期的考古学文化推定为早期巴文化这一说法。本文同时还探讨了一些与早期巴文化研究相关的问题。 相似文献
105.
《Journal of Field Archaeology》2013,38(1):21-37
AbstractThe organization of production and exchange of everyday lithic items is important in defining Classic period lowland Maya economic organization, but the current debate relies on the study of a few lithic workshops, whereas little is known about the consumers’ quotidian acquisition of everyday tools. I suggest looking at the problem from the point of view of the household and distinguishing local from nonlocal production by comparing experimental and quantitative data. Examination of the chert collections from households at Rio Bec and Calakmul enabled me to distinguish two different types of chert biface production and distribution during the Late Classic period (a.d. 650–800), namely by means of markets and itinerant craftsmen. Both sites had very different political organizations, but households from both cities acquired lithics through similar networks, showing that this particular aspect of the domestic economy probably had little to do with political power and centralization in the region. 相似文献
106.
Andreas Åkerlund 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2012,35(1):25-41
The Lectureships for Swedish in Germany in the Context of Cultural Diplomacy 1917–1930. During the Weimar Republic a significant number of lectureships for Swedish was established at German universities. This paper attempts to explain this development through an analysis of the political and academic context of these establishments. Focussing on the actors involved the lectureships are linked to the emerging interest of the German state for public diplomacy emerging after World War I and the following reactions of German academia. The paper also treats the importance of the main Swedish actor, namely the association for the preservance of Swedishness abroad for the establishments of the lectureships. At the end the different actors working for Swedish lectureships in Germany are placed in a broader European context and questions concerning the relationship between universities and cultural diplomacy are raised and answered. 相似文献
107.
"以市场换技术"作为改革开放后一项重大的技术引进方针,对中国的技术引进与进步产生了重要影响。这一方针酝酿、形成于20世纪70年代末80年代初,主要源于中国希望在减少支出的同时达到引进先进技术和提高对外资吸引力的双重目的。在1984年被确定为加速国家技术进步的一项重大方针后,"以市场换技术"进入全面实施和调整时期,目标始终着眼于提高外商投资质量并促使外商转让先进技术。"以市场换技术"虽然在一定程度上加速了技术进步,但并没有达到"形成技术自生能力"的预期目标,2001年后这一方针逐渐淡出政策视野,向自主创新过渡。 相似文献
108.
《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(3):409-427
A noted international specialist on the Russian economy compares the different mechanisms by which the emerging powerful economies of Russia, China, and India accumulated substantial foreign reserves during the 2000s in the lead-up to the global financial crisis. He also investigates the costs incurred by these countries of intervention into exchange markets to maintain exchange rate regimes supporting such accumulation, as well as measures undertaken after the crisis to address sudden and massive outflows of foreign private capital and considerable decreases in demand for imports in developed countries. The author argues that each of the three countries can be viewed as a prototype for a particular means of reserve accumulation among emerging market countries that has led to the revival of the Bretton Woods international monetary system. 相似文献
109.
始于1979年的“省港杯”足球赛是改革开放初期由以霍英东为代表的部分香港工商界人士发起、获得地方政府支持和中央政府批准的一项体育赛事。在“友谊第一、比赛第二”的友好气氛中,第一届“省港杯”足球赛在广州和香港两地成功举办。这项赛事促进了粤港两地的交流与合作,对广东的改革开放进程产生了积极的影响,增强了香港同胞对于内地坚持实行改革开放政策的信心。 相似文献
110.