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91.
戊戌政变后,康梁等保皇领袖曾在全世界华侨社会中建立了庞大的保皇组织,美国华侨社会成为海外保皇势力的中心。美国华侨在组织上和财力上对保皇派做出了重大贡献,保皇党人在开启华侨民智,推动华侨对祖国的关注和认同,进而促进华侨爱国主义思想和民族主义的产生和发展方面发挥了巨大作用。保皇派的活动对华侨政治认同有积极的影响。  相似文献   
92.
Despite the existence of research conducted by geographers eschewing or professing religious faith, the influence of researchers and their methods have yet to receive critical attention within the study of religion. The experience of three geographers working on a three-year research project suggests that it is vital to reflect upon the inter-subjective relationships and methodologies used to reconstruct the religious past. How do different subject positions influence our selections from historical records? We also consider whether the spatialities of putatively 'religious' archives, whether formally or informally constituted, make a difference to the construction of historiographical knowledge. In attempting to answer these questions, the paper argues that developing an awareness of different types of positionality, vis-à-vis religious faith and practice, combined with reflexivity, vis-à-vis methodology, can enrich the interpretative reconstruction of the religious past.  相似文献   
93.
94.
《Parliamentary History》2009,28(1):41-58
Every political movement has watershed moments when decisions are taken with very long-term consequences. This article explores one such moment with respect to the jacobite movement during the reign of Queen Anne. Implicitly building on Geoffrey Holmes's model of the workings of the whig and tory parties in the age of Anne, the article analyses the turn to the Scots that took place within jacobite politics between 1702 and 1710. Throughout the 1690s the English jacobites had dominated the politics of the jacobite movement. Cementing their hold on the jacobite court's outlook and policies there was, too, an intrinsic anglocentrism at royal and ministerial level. Yet by 1715 the Scots jacobites were clearly equal partners with the English within the movement, and this parity was to shape the entire subsequent history of the jacobite cause. This shift within the politics of the movement was, moreover, not simply a corollary of the union. This article argues that the shift to the Scots was far more fundamental in terms of the outlook and policies of the movement, and ultimately did not depend on the immediate military utility of the Scots jacobites, but on a new perception of them as a uniquely important resource.  相似文献   
95.
《Parliamentary History》2009,28(1):191-199
The debate in the house of lords on 'No Peace without Spain' in December 1711 was the first test of the strength of the administration of Robert Harley, earl of Oxford, in the upper House. Though there are more sources for this debate than is normal for proceedings in the Lords, few can claim to be by eyewitnesses. A newly 'discovered' anonymous letter from an eyewitness found in the papers of the lord great chamberlain's office in the Parliamentary Archives gives a detailed account of this important debate.  相似文献   
96.
Whilst greatly valuing recent critiques of the vertical imaginary and reified ontology of scale theory, and of the unfettered flows of network theory, this paper argues against a human geography without scale. Rather, four propositions from the theoretical literature are used to provide a tool-kit to analyse the practical negotiation of scalar politics, namely that: scales should be considered as effects, not frames or structures, of practice; networks must be considered in all their complexity and heterogeneity; networks can be interpreted as assemblages, the more re-territorialising and re-scaling of which can be analysed as apparatuses; and that state apparatuses work to create the impression that scales are ahistorical, hierarchical and possess exclusive relationships. These propositions are used to explore a period of history when the scalar constitution of the world was under intense debate. The interwar era saw the imperial scale clash with that of the international, both as ideological worldviews, and as a series of interacting institutions. The assemblages of internationalism and imperialism were embodied by apparatuses such as the League of Nations and the colonial Government of India respectively. Attempts by the League to encourage the abolition of tolerated brothels in an attempt to reduce the trafficking of women and children led to intense debates between the 1920s and 1930s over what constituted the legitimate domains of the international and the 'domestic'. These explicitly scalar debates were the product of League networks that threatened the scalar sovereignty of the Raj, most directly through the travelling Commission of Enquiry into Traffic in Women and Children in the East in 1931.  相似文献   
97.
靖康之变后,北宋的世家大族大多因战争衰落,而晋江曾氏家族则在南宋迅速复兴。曾怀是曾氏家族在南宋复兴的关键人物。长期从事基层理财工作的实践为其积累了大量经验,在宋孝宗朝其理财能力得到充分展示。而曾怀个人的努力,使其家族声誉在南宋得到充分彰显。  相似文献   
98.
“九·一八事变”前后,蒋介石推行“攘外必先安内”的反动政策,国家民族危在旦夕。刚辞去国民政府交通部次长而“称病”闲赋苏州的李仲公,向蒋介石提出“联共抗日”主张,并提呈具体“方案”,受到蒋介石的重视并约见商谈,虽然蒋介石从同意其主张到反悔,李仲公却成为国民党内最早提出“联共抗日”主张之人。此时,李仲公译著出版的《日本帝国主义的满蒙观与我们的驳议》一书,成为爱国知识分子拍案而起的抗日先声。  相似文献   
99.
从表面上看,《贩书偶记》只是书商出身的文献家孙殿起先生在经营古书时编录的一部图书目录,但它在著录图书之时,对与各图书相关的重要信息或多或少地作了一些抄录,这些信息包括撰者的生平传记、著述情况、书籍本身的刊刻、序跋等等,尽管零零总总,却有着十分重要的史料价值。  相似文献   
100.
李柏文 《旅游科学》2009,23(4):72-77
20多年来,旅游管理课程体系建设取得很大成绩,但依然存在课程老化固化、缺乏对社会需求响应能力等问题。通过往届毕业生、网络、新业态和旅游组织机构等多端口的职业需求信息的监测与评估,在理论和技术上可以构建一个既能响应社会需求,又能满足学生个人兴趣,还能符合国家专业要求的“三位一体”的响应社会需求的旅游动态课程体系。通过该课程体系的建设可以加强现有专业对社会需求的响应能力,减少一些短周期新专业的应急性增设,从而节约教育资源、积累教育资本、避免学生同业竞争、缓解就业压力。基于以上理论和实证研究,云南民族大学旅游管理专业未来至少可以增设美食与营养、旅游技术与工程两门课程以响应社会需求,并形成其核心竞争能力.  相似文献   
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