试论朝鲜王朝尊明贬清的理论基础

明清时期的中朝关系一般被视为典型的朝贡关系,但在文化心态上,朝鲜一直采取尊明贬清的态度。朝鲜把明朝看成中华的化身,把满洲看成夷狄,明朝灭亡以后,朝鲜以“小中华”自居,因现实政治的需要,朝鲜大肆宣扬明朝的正统,贬斥清朝的正统。朝鲜以宋时烈为代表的性理学家,以朱熹的思想为基准,形成了以尊华攘夷为中心的华夷观作为他们处理与清朝外交关系的准则。他们对于正统论的论述,依从朱熹的思想,且只关心中国历史上王朝的正统性,而不关心其本国历史上王朝的正统性。这是朝鲜后期儒家性理学思想的一大特色,也是其尊明贬清的理论基础。     

What do we know about the punctuated equilibrium theory in China? A systematic review and research priorities

The punctuated equilibrium theory (PET) shows that government policy is mostly stable with occasional drastic change, which scholars attribute to institutional friction and limited information processing capacity. Although the existing PET literature predominantly focuses on democracies, scholars have started to apply the theory to authoritarian countries. Autocracies are a fertile testing ground for the theory's underlying mechanisms because they appear to experience less institutional friction but more informational restrictions than democracies. However, PET studies on autocracies are still rare. To deepen our understanding of the PET and the policy process beyond democracies, we conduct a systematic review of 88 Chinese language PET journal articles. We show that Chinese language PET research is increasing. Contrary to the English language PET literature, most Chinese studies are qualitative, while a key similarity is the weak operationalization of PET core concepts. The reviewed studies confirm a punctuated equilibrium pattern of policymaking in China but provide only limited evidence for more intense punctuations compared with democracies. Future PET research on China ought to use long-term data sets and examine institutional friction and information processing by policymakers. We also argue for more international exchange and comparative research to advance our understanding of the policy process in China and other autocracies.     

科学观的歧义与中国近代科学史学的多重意蕴

近代中国史学科学化进程中,因国人对“科学”含义理解上的不同,对史学是否属于“科学”有不同的认识;也因对“科学”含义广、狭不同的理解,形成了不同的“科学史学”观;由此造成史学“科学化”进程中观念分歧与实践路向上的差异。     

Limits to the Washington Consensus: Boundary struggles and China's transition economy

This paper explores the interconnected normative and geopolitical-economic tensions between the Washington Consensus and the Chinese state through an analysis of reform discourses and practices at the World Bank. Frequently framed as opposing visions and templates of development, the World Bank and the Chinese state have engaged in a protracted relationship of mutually-informing exchanges of economic expertise, technical assistance, and policy formulation, evolving significantly since China's ‘opening up’ in 1978. I trace these shifting relations through an interpretive strategy inspired by Nancy Fraser's concept of boundary struggles, focusing on how the World Bank has challenged, affirmed, and affected China's institutionalized division between polity and economy. Through a new periodization of the World Bank/China nexus, this paper shows how transformations in geopolitical-economic relations condition the normative construction, representation, and reception of ‘economic models’. It also challenges antipodean conceptions of the ‘free-market’ Washington Consensus and ‘state-capitalist’ China through demonstrating the qualitative character of their state/market articulations.     

中国与环南海国家(地区)贸易竞争性和互补性格局

环南海因其重要的地缘战略意义,对中国国家安全和对外合作发展具有重要意义.本文在产品层次,揭示了中国与环南海国家(地区)的贸易竞争性和互补性格局,有助于加深理解中国与该区域的地缘经济竞合关系.结果表明:①中国大陆与环南海国家(地区)的贸易规模不断增大.中国大陆与香港、台湾、越南、菲律宾、新加坡、泰国的出口相似度较高,在世...     

国际物流企业进入中国的路径及空间网络

以国际物流企业为研究对象,考察国际物流企业在中国的进入路径与空间网络构筑规律。首先,划分了国际物流企业进入中国的发展阶段,分析了其结构特征和进入扩张模式,探讨了国际物流企业进入与中国物流政策与市场门槛的关系;然后,重点考察了国际物流企业的中国网络结构,包括网络单元类型分异与功能分异,深入分析了其区位选择,重点包括企业总部和网络单元的区位选择法则与空间规律。最后,以敦豪速递为案例,分析了20世纪80年代以来在中国的网络拓展过程与区位选择的规律。本文有助于进一步考察外资在中国的网络建设与市场拓展规律。     

清季支那史、东洋史教科书介译初探

清季对日本之支那史、东洋史教科书的介译,是清末教育改革的产物,对清末早期新式学堂的历史教育,对国人自编本国史教科书的出现,都产生了深远影响;支那史、东洋史的介译亦是20世纪初年新史学思潮的重要组成部分,对新史学思潮的深入发展起到了推波助澜的作用;介译支那史、东洋史之主旨在于弘扬爱国主义精神,表现出较为浓厚的功利色彩。支那史、东洋史教科书在中国近代教育史、史学史上应有一定的地位。     

The Making of an ‘All Weather Friendship’ Pakistan,China and the History of a Border Agreement: 1949–1963

China and Pakistan share what is widely known as an ‘all weather friendship’. The historical roots of this friendship can be traced to 1963, when the two countries entered into a border agreement that divided territory in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. Since then, China has provided missile and nuclear technology to Pakistan. It has limited the potential for escalation in the time of war between India and Pakistan and is the largest economic investor in Pakistan. The benefits of this friendship for Pakistan are clear. Yet, there is little detail on what led to the making of the ‘all weather friendship’. This article provides a detailed account of Sino–Pakistani relations between 1949 and 1963. It argues that whilst the 1963 agreement led to a turning point, the Pakistani establishment – military and civilian – sought to engage China since 1949. They did so to create strategic options for themselves in the event that the US and the UK – Pakistan's main allies following independence – limited or worse, ended their support for Pakistan in its troubled relations with India. This article is based on primary sources available in the US, Britain, as well as recently declassified and hitherto unused papers in India.     

日本侵略华中地区的经济根源

华中地区是中国最富庶的地区。占领富庶的华中攫取以战养战的战略物资,控制中国经济枢纽,摧毁国民政府赖以生存的经济基础,排斥其他国家在华中的资本势力,便成为日本侵略华中的经济根源。日本侵略华中之初,在速战速决战略指导思想下,对华中地区大肆掠夺的同时进行疯狂地破坏和摧残;战争持久化以后,日本加紧对华中沦陷区的经济统制,试图把华中经络成为他们以战养战的经济基地。     

民众记忆与服装衍化--1949～2000年中国城镇民众服装流变

服装是社会变迁的组成部分.中国城镇服装以社会大文化的发展为依托,伴随生活方式、价值观念以及行为规范的变化而变化.改革开放以来,随着国家政治经济文化的健康发展,服装开始脱离社会政治和革命范式,凸现自身发展固有的逻辑.同时,中国人的审美观念不断更新,在整体上趋于西化,服装的自身功能日趋彰显.但回首过去,中国特有的、在短时间内形成民众服装急剧变革、走向革命化的现象,颇耐人寻味.在人类历史上,恐怕还没有一个民族将服装当作革命的对象、形式和重要内容,这一现象与中华民族的历史、文化、精神密切相连,是值得深入研究和长久反思的.