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91.
中尼边界是继中缅边界后通过外交谈判正式划定、勘定的第二条明晰的陆地边界线。通过谈判,中尼边界正式划定、勘定,包括双方争议较大的珠穆朗玛峰的归属问题,也以中方大体平分、边界线划在蜂顶的建议方案为基础达成基本共识。中尼边界谈判与中缅边界谈判的成功,为新中国有计划、有步骤地以和平共处五项原则为基础,通过外交谈判、互谅互让和友好协商,全面彻底地和平解决与陆地邻国的边界问题提供了成功范例。  相似文献   
92.
The duration of strong ground shaking during earthquakes can play an important role in the response of foundation materials and structures, particularly when strength or stiffness degradation is encountered. A thorough seismic hazard assessment should therefore include an estimation of the expected duration of strong motion, which first requires criteria to define the part of an accelerogram considered to represent the duration of strong ground motion. Some 30 different definitions of strong motion duration are reviewed and classified into generic groups. Problems that arise with the use of these definitions for duration are highlighted. A new definition of duration is presented using a previously unexplored option which identifies the part of the record where the main energy is contained and constrains this strong shaking phase by absolute criteria. This new definition is shown to give consistently meaningful durations for strong earthquake accelerograms from an engineering viewpoint. The correlations between the new definition of duration and magnitude, soil conditions and distance are explored as a first step towards the development of predictive equations.  相似文献   
93.
Book reviews     
In the context of a shift away from municipal multiculturalism towards community cohesion, and in the light of renewed debates around difference, national identity and Britishness, this article sets out a geographically informed theoretical framework which focuses upon the spatial (re)construction of racial and ethnic identities. The article develops the idea of the everyday as a way of viewing the spatially contingent, complex and negotiated state of inter-ethnic relations in a specific UK city. Not only does this reveal the manner in which strong and stubborn boundaries between social groups are entrenched through the (re)enforcement of spatialised relations of power, but also how accommodations across, between and within difference are realised. Through the employment of empirical material from Leicester, England, the article contends that everyday solidarities emerge from a number of intersecting spatial influences which do not equate to abstract or fixed versions of national belonging.  相似文献   
94.
When in 1943 the Guomindang launched its third wave of anti‐communist campaigns, Mao Zedong considered that Chiang Kai‐shek had acted in the belief that Japan would soon invade the Soviet Union. Hitherto, Chinese historians have either ignored Mao's judgment or failed to provide convincing explanations for it. There are two reasons for this attitude: first, historians have failed to appreciate the strategic implications of the relationship between the Soviet Union and Japan for relations between the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP); and second, relevant evidence regarding the events has not been available in document on Chiang. This essay answers questions raised by both points. Most commentators have claimed that this third anti‐Communist push ended by the middle or late July of 1943. However, Chiang in fact continued to make plans to mop up Shaanbei (the Communist‐controlled northern Shaanxi area) and impose sanctions on the Communists. The formulation, revision and eventual abandonment of Chiang's plans are also addressed in this essay.  相似文献   
95.
After the outbreak of the Pacific War, while considering taking back the Japanese-occupied areas, the Nationalist government also started to think of recovering the frontier regions, which had been somewhat out of China's control under the influence of a major ally of China, the USSR. For a long time, Xinjiang had a very close relationship with the Soviet Union under the rule of Sheng Shicai, and the central government of China had little direct control. In April of 1942, Sheng Shicai, suspicious of a Soviet conspiracy to overthrow his rule, conducted mass arrests in Xinjiang, causing a sudden deterioration in the relationship between Xinjiang and the Soviets. At first, the Soviet Union attempted to intimidate Sheng in order to prevent him from turning to the central government, but failed. Paying no heed to the alienation policy of the Soviets, the Nationalist government soon decided to buttress Sheng in an effort to place Xinjiang under centralized control. The Nationalist government first set out to take back the diplomacy of Xinjiang, followed by expropriation of formerly Soviet-controlled enterprises and forced removal of Soviet military advisors, experts, technicians and army personnel from Xinjiang. In the meantime, a large number of party, government, economic, cultural and educational personnel were dispatched by the central government to Xinjiang to infiltrate various sectors. With the weakening of his own power and increasing conflicts with the central government, Sheng Shicai planned another turn of events. By executing a new round-up, this time to cleanse Xinjiang of the central government's forces, Sheng re-oriented his regime towards the Soviet Union. Yet his gesture was turned down by the USSR because of his loss of credibility. Well prepared militarily, the Nationalist government eventually forced Sheng Shicai to leave Xinjiang, which then was almost fully restored to the authority of the central government.  相似文献   
96.
Human–nature relations of home have been gaining more attention in geography, especially in the study of gardens. This article contributes to this growing literature, but in contrast to much research, it examines human–nature relations in the patios (garden) of homes in a marginalized barrio (slum) of Managua, Nicaragua. I suggest that the human–nature relations in these patios need to be understood differently than those in North American and European gardens. Based on research carried out in Managua, I argue that such relations are at the centre of everyday domestic activities and are critical in producing home as a liveable space in the city. The article draws on feminist geographic understandings of home and current work around human–environment relations, and identifies three different sets of socio-ecological relations: corporeal, aesthetic and economic. It argues that these three different relations between humans and the plants and trees in their patios are critical in the imaginaries around home and in the production of habitable spaces in cities, as well as to our understanding of urban natures.  相似文献   
97.
论文基于2019年对阿德莱德和墨尔本两个州府城市的实地调研,主要探讨三个问题:一是宏观背景下的商业移民如何改变其人口与社会经济特征;二是宏观层面因素如何重塑商业移民的发展机会结构;三是中澳经贸关系现状对商业移民有何影响。研究显示:中国和澳大利亚的制度因素和经济背景,对于商业移民的影响在不同历史阶段其作用并非等效。中国近20年来的经济发展对于商业移民特征的转变起着主导作用,澳大利亚移民政策则在呼应改变的同时,间接促成了商业移民内部的组内差异。对于商业机会结构的转变,中国国内经济发展带动的需求市场起到良好促进作用,而澳大利亚的经济发展格局和相关的移民政策与制度作用则更为关键。  相似文献   
98.
The purpose of this paper is to spatially and regionally examine academic engagement within Brazil, identifying patterns. Moreover, our investigation can contribute to a better understanding of how knowledge can be turned into a tool to fight regional inequality. We depart from two hypotheses: first, universities situated in peripheral regions interact more with companies from relatively more dynamic regions, and second, in the absence of industrial knowledge demand, universities tend to collaborate more closely with a diverse range of stakeholders in the region. To evaluate these hypotheses and find empirical evidence, we consider 4497 research groups and 4603 nonacademic organizations as “nodes” connected by 8830 collaborations throughout all Brazilian regions. Social network tools are used to illustrate the spatial and regional dimensions of academic engagement more accurately. The results show that academic engagement is not regionally homogeneous, demonstrating essential differences regarding local nonacademic partnerships. Innovation policies, which encourage only university–firm interactions, perpetuate regional inequality.  相似文献   
99.
This essay examines wartime Japan’s establishment of culture bureaus and its promotion of the Takarazuka Girls’ Revue in allied European nations and the United States in a moment of international crisis. This overseas cultural policy was part of a series of alternative strategies employed by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in an effort to persuade the West to acknowledge Japan’s self‐appointed role as a leader in East Asia, capable of producing advanced cultural products on a par with those of western nations. Key features of this essay include the negotiation between state goals and private interests in the performance of cultural diplomacy, as well as the aesthetic articulation of a hybrid Japanese culture which was traditional yet fully modern, particularly as presented on stage through a display of the female body.  相似文献   
100.
The role of the past in prehistoric societies is a frequently occurring topic in recent archaeological literature. It is proposed that prehistoric societies were concerned with the construction of an ancient past, and that relics were actively used as mnemonic devices in recalling the past. This paper comments on the significance of historicity in cultural reproduction on the basis of indigenous Sami conceptions of time and ancestry. It is a personal reflection from an archaeologist's point of view. The indigenous Sami concept of time, life and death implies that distances in the past were not ascribed any significant value and that there was no chronological or genealogical scale against which events in the past were measured. It is argued that relics were not ascribed a discursive value, and that they were not used as mnemonic devices in recalling an ancient past. By the example of Sami conceptions of time and ancestry, the author advocates great caution in promoting relics as carriers of collective memories in ancient societies.  相似文献   
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