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41.
从中美关系解冻系列谈判看周恩来谈判艺术 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
新中国成立后,周恩来长期主持外交工作,是新中国外交事业的开拓者和奠基者。在1969~1972年中美关系解冻的系列谈判中,周恩来作为中方的主要谈判者,在谈判中发挥了极其重要的作用。他及时向毛泽东汇报谈判的进展情况,并根据毛泽东的指示部署谈判的策略和内容;他以于细微处见周到的工作态度为中美谈判营造了自然、友好的外部氛围;他卓越的专业谈判素质、良好的道德修养和独特的人格魅力,不但使谈判得以顺利进行,而且给基辛格和尼克松留下了深刻的印象,得到他们的高度评价。 相似文献
42.
ROBINE VAN DOOREN 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2006,97(5):480-490
This paper analyses the development of a garment cluster in La Laguna, North Mexico, since the coming into effect of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Employment in the local garment industry increased rapidly and working conditions improved, due to increasingly stringent buyer standards. However, both buyer‐supplier and employee‐worker relations became strained, causing some entrepreneurs to relocate operations to cheaper sites and others to adopt a modular production strategy to save on labour costs – and shift co‐ordination and management risk onto workers. La Laguna's specialisation of jeans production for export is a form of hyper specialisation that may well be required in global markets, for the sake of cost efficiency, but it also enhances the vulnerability of a cluster in the face of fluctuating world demand and changing international trade policies. As the cluster is an important part of the regional economy, the problems of the cluster have a great impact on the region. 相似文献
43.
Paweł Jaworski 《Scandinavian journal of history》2013,38(5):610-631
The aim of this article is to analyse the role played by Scandinavian politicians and experts working for the League of Nations in resolving conflicts to which Poland was a party and how this activity was assessed by Polish diplomats and politicians. Scandinavian involvement in decision-making processes related to Polish interests was mainly studied on the basis of diplomatic documents as well as Polish and Swedish press articles. The analysis focuses on several key issues. The first relates to the background to the involvement of Swedish politicians and experts in the procedures employed to resolve the Polish–Lithuanian conflict over Vilnius. Another concerns the attitude of the Scandinavian states towards electing Poland as a member of the League Council between 1923 and 1935, with special emphasis on the Swedish veto of 1926. Finally, the involvement of Scandinavian experts in resolving conflicts between Poland and the city of Danzig is discussed. In this case, the most important figure was Helmer Rosting, who held the position of the League of Nations High Commissioner in the Free City of Danzig between 1932 and 1934. The conclusions emphasize that Poles were generally dissatisfied with the work of the Scandinavians, accusing them of being biased towards the Germans and Lithuanians. Moreover, the Polish party involved believed that, when making their judgments and decisions, Scandinavian officials only followed the letter of the law and did not pay sufficient regard to the political context. 相似文献
44.
Jon Tetsuro Sumida 《国际历史评论》2013,35(4):681-700
This paper provides a fresh overview of the much-debated Leith-Ross mission to China in 1935–6, in which Britain assisted the Chinese government's efforts to establish a new currency. It demonstrates that the mission should be understood primarily as an attempt to revive Britain's economic and political stake in East Asia. It argues that, while the government in London undoubtedly wished to see the amelioration of the tense relationship with Japan, the history of the mission demonstrates that it was not prepared to make significant sacrifices that would undermine British interests in China. It thus criticises the contention that the mission should be understood primarily as an exercise in appeasement and contends that in practice it constituted a challenge to Japan's claim to regional domination. 相似文献
45.
Michael S. Goodman 《国际历史评论》2013,35(4):768-784
Abstract F EWER COLD WAR myths are more enduring in the United Kingdom than that of ‘Buster’ Crabb. In April 1956, Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) coaxed Commander Lionel ‘Buster’ Crabb, a naval frogman from the Second World War, out of retirement to dive under the Soviet cruiser Ordzhonikidze, while it was docked in Portsmouth. It had brought the Soviet Premier Nikolai Bulganin and the First Secretary of the Communist Party, Nikita S. Khrushchev, to the United Kingdom on a state visit. The operation, routine by all accounts, ended in both personal and diplomatic failure. Fourteen months later, the decomposed body of a frogman washed up in Chichester harbour. Despite the British government’s hope that the discovery might be the end of the affair, it fired up the conspiracy theorists, who alleged that the body could not be Crabb’s; that, in fact, he had been kidnapped, taken to the Soviet Union, and renamed Korablev.1 The government did little to dispel such myths. A few days after Crabb’s disappearance, The Times succinctly summed up the situation: ‘official reticence about the activities which led to the death of Commander Crabb has caused much speculation.’2 Curiosity was further piqued a few days later when the prime minister, Sir Anthony Eden, stated m the house of commons on 9 May that ‘it would not be in the public interest to disclose the circumstances in which Commander Crabb is presumed to have met his death.’3 相似文献
46.
Maria Hadjiathanasiou 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(6):1096-1124
ABSTRACTThis article offers an examination of the British Council’s early stages of expansion in Cyprus under British rule, from 1935 to 1955, before the start of the Greek Cypriot anti-colonial struggle (1955–59). It argues that the British Council’s development and quality of activities in the British colony were affected by various factors such as the peculiar political difficulties encountered in the island due to the rise of Greek nationalism and the growing influence of the Church of Cyprus over the local public; the mismanagement of the local British Institutes by some of the Council’s representatives; and the financial stringencies hindering the Council’s ambitions. Through the investigation of primary material, accessed at the Cyprus State Archive in Nicosia (Cyprus) and at the National Archives in London (UK), the article traces and critically analyses for the first time the Council’s early steps in colonial cultural policy-making, using Cyprus as a case study. During the 20-year period under examination, British experiments in culture attempted to attract the Cypriots’ interest and convince them of the importance of the British connection. The British and colonial governments envisaged that through cultural influence they could safeguard the consent of the governed. In this way, British presence in Cyprus could be retained and Britain would be able to protect its strategic, political and economic interests in the region. However, research reveals that the Council’s efforts in the colony were more often than not misguided, its activities proving ineffective, its hopes misplaced. Although the aspiration was that the British Council should be a powerful instrument of Britain’s foreign policy in the colonies, this article shows that in Cyprus it had a tumultuous childhood. Caught up in the realities of the Second World War, the rise of nationalism, the thread of communism, and amid the climate of Cold War, the British Empire was coming at an end, while the British Council was fighting to survive. 相似文献
47.
48.
Avihu Zakai 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(3):371-372
In this contribution, I reassess the opposition between Saint-Pierre's idealism and Rousseau's realism. Rousseau accuses Saint-Pierre of having a defect in his analysis and political judgement which, if he had been consistent, would have led to a revolutionary position in the strong sense – a position of which the author of The Social Contract himself disapproved. In short, not only was Saint-Pierre far from being a convinced absolutist; Rousseau's own writings on the Abbé do not advocate a ‘republican solution’, which he regarded as impracticable for the Europe of his time. 相似文献
49.
Sang Mi Park 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2013,19(1):18-38
This essay examines wartime Japan’s establishment of culture bureaus and its promotion of the Takarazuka Girls’ Revue in allied European nations and the United States in a moment of international crisis. This overseas cultural policy was part of a series of alternative strategies employed by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in an effort to persuade the West to acknowledge Japan’s self‐appointed role as a leader in East Asia, capable of producing advanced cultural products on a par with those of western nations. Key features of this essay include the negotiation between state goals and private interests in the performance of cultural diplomacy, as well as the aesthetic articulation of a hybrid Japanese culture which was traditional yet fully modern, particularly as presented on stage through a display of the female body. 相似文献
50.
Maryanne Kelton 《Australian journal of political science》2013,48(2):208-220
The Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) came into force on 1 January 2005. Australia's exports to the US have since stagnated, while imports into and US investments in Australia have surged. This article analyses Australia–US economic relations with a focus on trade and investment flows. In addition, it examines the capital raising by US investment banks for these projects. The analysis traces the effects on the relationship of the Global Financial Crisis, the resources boom in Australia and the rise of the Australian dollar.
澳美自由贸易协定2005年元旦起生效。自那以来,澳大利亚对美出口止步不前,而来自美国的进口和投资却一路上扬。本文考察了澳美经济关系,重点分析了贸易和投资流。此外作者还研究了美国投资银行为那些项目的融资。以往分析研究探索了全球金融危机、澳大利亚起源开发热以及澳大利亚元升值三者之间关系所受的影响。 相似文献