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101.
Dario Migliucci 《Journal of Israeli History》2018,37(1):87-111
To date, scholars have not examined the representations of the Middle East conflict in the 1940s and 1950s by the Spanish anti-Francoist movements. This work analyzes media narratives concerning Arabs and Israelis produced between 1947 and 1957 by the communist, socialist and anarchist press. Through a critical analysis of the articles published in those years, it is possible to demonstrate that the coverage of the Spanish left-wing periodicals was not rooted in the realities of the Middle East, but rather in the political and ideological interests of their parties. 相似文献
102.
Sebastian Schipper 《Social & Cultural Geography》2017,18(6):808-830
AbstractInspired by the Arab Spring, massive social movements have erupted since 2011 in many places around the world. Despite their differences, these movements have had at least two remarkable common features: all of them struggled for ‘real democracy’ and occupied prominent urban public spaces to erect temporary tent encampments. By focusing on the case study of the 2011 Israeli tent protests, this paper argues that the production of such places of resistance works as a crucial, albeit ambivalent, strategy to confront hegemonic power relations. On the basis of the literature on the spatialities of contentious politics, the article demonstrates that the establishment of more than 70 tent camps in public spaces all across Israel was of vital importance not only to challenging the post-democratic political system but also to overcoming an internal crisis of representation within the Israeli protest movement. However, the case of the Israeli J14 tent protests also underlines that while the production of place can be a powerful starting point for social movements, it is not a durable alternative to multi-scalar, networked forms of organisation, which are also able to confront state authorities in the long term. 相似文献
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叶自成先生于近期发表的《中国外交的起源——试论春秋时期周王室和诸侯国的性质》一文提出了春秋时期诸侯国是独立主权国家的理论。本文认为,诸侯国无论对内还是对外都要尊天子、循周礼,因此不拥有主权。对中国这样一个多民族国家来说,不能简单地用中央政权对割据政权制约能力的强弱来确定这些政权是否为国家。统一的政治一文化空间和大一统的国家认同是更重要的因素。 相似文献
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浙江三泉村700年变迁模式试探 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
三泉村自南宋淳熙八年(1181)建村,至明嘉靖三十四年(1555),先后产生了2名进士、1名举人,但随着人口的繁衍,村区人口无传率上升,夫妇年龄差增大,人文逐渐衰弱,700年问历经了盛衰变迁。这一变迁模式对于以农业为主业的传统山村社会具有一定的普遍意义。 相似文献
107.
小邾国与胙国是姻亲国,邾友父鬲是小邾君为其嫁为胙国夫人的女儿制的媵器,本应随其女儿陪嫁到胙国,而却随葬在小邾国贵族基地.邾友父鬲和1号墓的年代为春秋早期,胙国被灭也在春秋早期.二者年代相同,绝非偶然巧合.其原因应与胙国灭亡的重大变故有关.当时邾友父的女儿很可能未及出嫁胙国就灭亡了,也可能已经出嫁到胙国,在南燕兼并胙国时为避难而逃回到母国,同时也把媵器带到了娘家,或仅仅是把媵器转移到了小邾国,后因胙国灭亡,媵器便留在了母国,为其兄弟亦即第二代小邾君所得,到第二代小邾君或其夫人去世时,便把这些媵器随葬在墓中.如果此说不妄,则又可反证胙国灭亡的更为具体的年代. 相似文献
108.
Rafeef Ziadah 《对极》2019,51(5):1684-1702
While critical authors have interrogated the roots of business logistics, this paper extends the analysis and contributes to a larger critique of the cohering field of Humanitarian Logistics (HL), noting the overlap in the logistical cartographies of militarism and humanitarianism. The focus is on the UAE's expanding logistics space into the Horn of Africa and the production of specialised HL zones like Dubai International Humanitarian City (DIHC). The article makes three core arguments. First, a logistics lens enables us to expand the study of aid beyond immediate conflict zones, into more distant spaces often constructed as “stable”. Second, the placement of logistics at the core of aid delivery has been a key mechanism for inserting market imperatives into humanitarian activities. Third, this gives countries outside the advanced core, such as the UAE, power to leverage and expand their logistics space for multiple purposes, in war making, aid, and commercial activities. 相似文献
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David K. Seitz 《对极》2019,51(1):334-352
This article seeks to rethink the trope of the “working family” so prevalent in contemporary politics, with particular attention to its promise and constitutive limits for the Left. It takes up contemporary socialist, feminist, anti‐racist and queer scholarship on the discourse of family, bringing it to bear on the case of “working family” rhetoric in the 2011 Wisconsin Uprising against austerity and public‐sector union‐busting. Reckoning with the term's racist and heteropatriachal valences, and its centrality in privatising social reproduction, I conclude by considering potential alternative horizons for thinking intimacy, labour, and social citizenship for the intersectional Left. 相似文献
110.
Abstract: In this article, we analyse the experience of securitization from the perspective of Arab–American and British Arab activists. Based on interviews with over 100 activists in both countries, we explore the ways in which Arab immigrant communities have experienced the enhanced security measures taken by governments. Our respondents describe the ways in which these measures have increased feelings of fear and insecurity within their communities. They emphasized how immigration, border and surveillance technologies lent a pervasive sense of insecurity to daily life. At the same time, they argued for the importance of the legal rights of citizenship in anchoring a sense of security in and belonging to British and American society. 相似文献