哈佛大学"战时中国"学术研讨会之我见

2002年6月底,在美国哈佛大学举行了一次题为“战时中国”的学术研讨会。会议的主题是战时中国的地方政权与状况。参加会议的学者来自中国、日本、北美和欧洲。值得注意的是,有的学者对日本侵华期间扶植的汪精卫伪南京国民政府和东北伪满洲国的“伪”、傀儡定性提出异议;有的日本学者公开为日本侵华罪行辩护。这种观点,显然是违背历史事实的,也违背了历史研究者所应有的公正的历史道德观和求实的精神。不同国家的学者的不同认识和争论,有助于深化和端正对一些问题的思考和理解。     

抗战时期的贵阳城市近代化

抗日战争爆发后国民政府政治、经济重心的西移,为贵阳城市近代化的发展提供了历史契机,促进了贵阳城市经济、文化、交通、市政建设、文化教育的发展和价值观念、社会心态的近代变迁,极大推进贵阳城市近代化进程.然囿于军事、政治等非经济动力因素的制约,此时期的贵阳城市近代化只是一种畸形繁荣,未能形成持久、理性的发展.     

Studies of Chiang Kai‐shek by mainland scholars since the 1980s

Chiang Kai‐shek was one of the most influential leaders of twentieth‐century China. Since the 1980s, perceptions of Chiang in mainland academic circles have been continually sharpened. As an important subject of research for the history of modern China, Chiang has increasingly emerged from the shadows as a real figure. The extent to which scholars can make an in‐depth, objective and comprehensive study of Chiang will have a direct relationship to the progress made in the study of the history of the Republic of China, the Chinese revolution, and modern and contemporary China. It will also determine the depth of our understanding of many important issues both past and present. Armed with a broader knowledge of Chiang and modern Chinese history, scholars and historians now face the larger challenge of setting the new image of Chiang in the context of the development of modern China.     

非水分散体加固剂固结砂土能力的研究

有机树脂非水分散体是一种新的土体防风化加固材料,对黄土样品和考古遗址都有好的加固效果。为检验这种加固剂对不同土体的加固能力,选择砂土作为被加固材料,用1．5％TD和2％21J加固剂进行加固试验。结果表明这种材料以低的浓度就有好的加固效果,经过加固的砂土样颜色和孔隙率变化小,土样的力学强度得到提高,具有好的耐水耐冻融能力及较好的耐盐能力,证明这种材料可用于砂土质遗址的加固保护。     

中共临时中央对抗日同盟军工作的指导思想

20世纪30年代初,中共临时中央为了实现创造北方新苏区的革命目标,指示张家口前委在同盟军中开展工作,意图铲除冯玉祥,把同盟军改编为红军,建立苏维埃根据地。这是临时中央在指导地方党的工作中盲目执行“左”倾冒险主义进攻路线的一个具体计划,结果给党的事业造成极大危害。今天总结这一历史教训,有助于深化我们对中国革命史中“左”的认识和反思。     

实践中的转变：抗日根据地减租减息运动中的减息政策研究

在抗日根据地的减租减息运动中,减息政策的变化受多种因素的影响,但借贷利率的限制无疑是其中最重要的因素。由于规定的利率过低,造成农村金融借贷停滞,给农民的生产和生活造成很大困难,放开对借贷利率的限制成为唯一的选择。减息政策经历了从严格的利率限制到完全放开的转变,这是在实践中根据实际情况作出的政策改变,但从实际效果来看,放开对借贷利率的限制并没有起到预期的恢复农村借贷的效果,借贷困难的局面一直持续下去。     

李星沅与"青浦教案"

“青浦教案”系中国近代史上的第一起教案。英国领事阿礼国欲乘机突破原有条约框架的限定,谋取更大的利益;中方处理此事的主要人物为两江总督李星沅,他曾亲身接见前来违约“投诉”的巴夏里。李星沅在本次教案中的所作所为,代表了当时清朝官员观察中外关系的视角和处理中外交涉的手段。通过此教案可以看出,清朝官员在处理中外交涉时,仍然处于完全的劣势。     

Radicals,Tories or Monomaniacs? The Birmingham Currency Reformers in the House of Commons, 1832–67*

Benjamin Disraeli described Thomas Attwood as a ‘provincial banker labouring under a financial monomania’. The leader of the Birmingham Political Union, Attwood's Warwickshire accent and support for a paper currency were widely derided at Westminster. However, the themes of Attwood's brief parliamentary career were shared by the other men who represented Birmingham in the early‐ and mid‐Victorian period. None of these MPs were good party men, and this article illuminates the nature of party labels in the period. Furthermore, it adds a new dimension to the historical understanding of debates on monetary policy and shows how local political identities and traditions interacted with broader party identities. With the exception of Richard Spooner, who was a strong tory on religious and political matters, the currency men are best described as popular radicals, who consistently championed radical political reform and were among the few parliamentary supporters of the ‘People's Charter’. They opposed the new poor law and endorsed factory regulation, a progressive income tax, and religious liberty. Although hostile to the corn laws they believed that free trade without currency reform would depress prices, wages and employment. George Frederick Muntz's death in 1857 and his replacement by John Bright marked a watershed and the end of the influence of the ‘Birmingham school’. Bright appropriated Birmingham's radical tradition as he used the town as a base for his campaign for parliamentary reform. He emphasized Birmingham's contribution to the passing of the 1832 Reform Act but ignored the currency reformers' views on other matters, which had often been at loggerheads with the ‘Manchester school’ and economic liberalism.