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61.
Luo Zhitian 《中国历史研究》2019,52(3-4):188-208
AbstractThe May Fourth New Culture Movement was a “convergent historical movement,” as well as a movement with a central purport and an intrinsic wholeness. The image of a homogeneous May Fourth formed unintentionally, and was also constructed by contemporaries and later generations. By examining the connections between the 1911 Revolution and the New Culture Movement from a more macroscopic perspective, exploring whether the latter was in fact a response to external impact or a self-awakening, observing how the debate over new versus old in the early Republican era developed to the point of a “culture” war, how the two-sided efforts for radical reforms reconciled destruction and construction, the interaction between the student movement and the New Culture Movement, and other aspects, thus examining the legacy of the New Culture Movement via perceptions in the post–May Fourth era, we can see that May Fourth has become a symbol of the New Culture Movement. 相似文献
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以尊孔运动为主要内容的民初北洋政府德育教育,其结果以失败而告终,究其原因集中体现在政策缺乏连续性、理论宣传的内在矛盾、民间资源借助不力、舆论氛围恶化四个方面。探究其败因得到以下启示:1.政策的连续性是德育教育成功的前提;2.内在机理完善的理论宣传是德育教育成功的基础;3.有效借助非政府资源是德育教育成功的保障;4.营造良好的舆论氛围是德育教育成功的关键。 相似文献
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城市绅士化引起的低收入原住民被动迁居及其行为响应一直受到学术界高度关注。以南京近1000名安置房社区居民就业变动调查数据为基础,系统分析了被动迁居后城市低收入原住民就业变动的成因及影响因素。研究结果表明:安置点与理想岗位空间错位是被动迁居后城市低收入原住民就业变动首因,个人或家庭以及单位等因素对就业变化亦产生重要作用;被动迁居后城市低收入原住民就业变动呈普遍性和差异性双重特征,城市绅士化运动在一定程度上可能导致弱势阶层内部发生分化。 相似文献
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风化盐析是影响土遗址最为严重的病害之一。了解不同深度处土遗址可溶盐的含量以及变化规律可为土遗址的盐析病害提供理论依据和技术支撑。为此,本实验采用有机玻璃土柱装置和应用EM50传感器探头监测土柱不同深度处的含水率、电导率的变化规律,并结合实验室分析测定了不同时间土柱表面的含盐种类以及含盐量、不同深度处的含盐量等。结果表明,不同深度处土样的含水率越小电导率越大,且土壤表面的含水率最小,电导率最大;利用离子色谱法测定结果表明,除K+之外,Na~+,Mg~(2+),Ca~(2+),Cl-and SO_4~(2-)的含量随深度的变化趋势与含盐量随深度的变化趋势一致。本研究可为土遗址盐析病害的防治提供理论参考。 相似文献
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James Godbolt Chris Holmsted Larsen Søren Hein Rasmussen 《Scandinavian journal of history》2013,38(4):395-416
This article investigates the role of the Vietnam War in Danish and Norwegian politics. We argue that Danish and Norwegian membership in NATO and an unstable parliamentary situation may explain why these countries, unlike Sweden, did not take on the lead in the international protest against the war. Non‐socialistic coalitions came to power in Norway and Denmark in the latter half of the 1960s which to an extent explains why the social democratic parties in both countries became more critical of the US. By the end of the 1960s, foreign policy as well as public attitudes towards the war converged in Denmark, Sweden and Norway, and in all three countries powerful protest movements emerged that were remarkably similar. The Vietnam War strengthened the left in general and promoted a leftist politics of solidarity that influenced Swedish, Danish and Norwegian foreign policy‐making of the 1970s. 相似文献
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Connal Parr 《Irish Studies Review》2014,22(2):147-166
Telescoping the political lives and work of Sam Thompson and John Hewitt, this article demonstrates the importance of the Labour movement on both Belfast-born Protestant writers and how this inculcated a socialist conviction quite separate and antagonistic to Ulster unionism. Referencing Thompson's unpublished, largely unknown plays as well as newspapers and his trio of performed works, the article illuminates his public impact as well as the significance of the play Over the Bridge (1960). Hewitt's early political activities and regionalist outlook are explored, as is the controversy surrounding his 1957 move to Coventry. The underestimated importance of a class perspective within Northern Protestantism is addressed, the article arguing that questions of national identity are secondary to the writers' class and internationalist politics. With continuing resonance, literature and writing itself are shown as intrinsic to the Northern Ireland Labour Party, with which both were associated, fuelling resistance to both unionism and Irish nationalism. 相似文献
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Morgan Rodgers Gibson 《Australian journal of political science》2013,48(3):335-348
Occupy has been criticised for a lack of organisation and ideological direction, its persistent failure to articulate practical reforms and its anarchism. Occupy's extensive influence calls for scholarly analysis of its underlying ideas and its praxis. This article develops a conceptual understanding of the movement and argues that the criticisms above overlook both how the movement's participants rationalise its praxis and the consistently anarchist forms of this praxis. The article draws on recent scholarship that distinguishes between ideological anarchism and anarchical forms of praxis inspired by anarchist principles. It argues that Occupy's praxis is anarchical. Though not ideologically anarchist, Occupy expresses a commitment to anarchist ideals. The article develops a particular conception of anarchism and in this context, discusses Occupy's anti-capitalist position, reflected in its catchcry ‘we are the 99 per cent’. It concludes by explicating the anarchical elements of Occupy's praxis.
占领运动被批评缺少组织和思想方向,总是提不出实际改革的诉求,再就是无政府主义。占领运动的广泛影响需要对其背后的思想和实践进行学术分析。本文作者从观念上对占领运动有所理解,认为那些批评忽视了运动的参与者其实是在使其实践,使其无政府形态的实践理性化。本文根据近年的学术研究,对思想上的无政府主义和无政府主义原则所启发的无政府式实践做了区分。作者认为占领运动的实践是无政府的,思想上却不是无政府的。但尽管思想上不是无政府,占领运动却表达了无政府的理想。本文提出了一种独特的无政府主义概念,并藉此讨论了占领运动反资本主义的立场,反思了“我们是百分之九十九”的口号。本文最后阐述了占领运动实践的无政府主义元素。 相似文献
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Conor Cruise O'Brien 《Journal of Israeli History》2013,32(2):161-169
The metamorphosis undergone by Jewish women in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was the result of modernization, secularization, and education. Similarly, the offspring of the new Jewish woman, the “new Hebrew woman” was the embodiment of various schools of thought, in particular the liberal and the socialist, which were prevalent at that time. The new Hebrew woman offered a feminist interpretation of the malaise of the Jewish people in general, and of Jewish women in particular, challenging the roles designated to her by her male peers and offering her own alternative interpretation. She chose Eretz Yisrael and Zionism, to “auto-emancipate” herself rather than waiting passively for her emancipation by others. In this sense, the new Hebrew woman collaborated with and reflected the hegemonic Zionist ideals and priorities. This article aims to analyze the discourse of the new Hebrew woman, as manifested in Palestine-Eretz Yisrael in the first half of the twentieth century in order to shed light on the link between gender and nationalism in the Zionist context. In particular, it considers how men and women envisioned the new Hebrew woman; how class, political affiliation, and gender shaped their interpretation; and how the new Hebrew woman differed from her counterpart, the new Jewish woman. 相似文献