This article explores the complex circumstances surrounding the foundation of the order of the Bath in 1725, and seeks to correct the commonly‐held view that it was initiated by Walpole simply to augment the patronage available to his supporters in parliament. The proposal for a new order of chivalry based on the medieval ‘knighthood of the bath’ in fact emanated from the court, having been prompted by one of its central figures, the duke of Montagu. Walpole and his colleagues were by no means oblivious to the practical political value of such a move, but having only lately consolidated their position at court, their main priority was to seize a unique opportunity to flatter the new royal dynasty and garner popularity for it through the medium of the order's rediscovered history. The ministers selected the order's 36 founder‐knights with considerable input from senior courtiers, but ensured that those nominated were mostly peers and MPs who could evince ministerially useful connections between court and parliament. Though the order was later derided as a symptom of Walpoleian corruption, its foundation can be regarded as something of a turning point in Walpole's rise to power. 相似文献
Margery Jourdemayne, the ‘witch of Eye next Westminster’, Eleanor, duchess of Gloucester, and three scholars of the ducal household were foremost amongst those accused of treasonable witchcraft in 1441. The paper explores Margery's part in this episode, and then examines her background: her husband William came from a prosperous Middlesex yeoman family living at Acton, and he himself was a manorial official on Westminster Abbey's Ebury (Eye) estate. 相似文献
ABSTRACTOver the past century, the ‘culture and trade’ debate has constantly evolved, particularly in the wake of rapid and still accelerating technological and scientific advances. These changes, manifest in an increasing convergence of many new technologies and industries, meant that the strict separation of culture from trade by means, for instance, of general or special exceptions in international trade agreements, such as the 1947 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) or the 1988 Canada–United States Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA), can no longer be sustained. It means that in light of the emergence of oxymoronic concepts like ‘the cultural and creative industries’, the debate can no longer be framed along binary modes of thinking that oppose the liberalization of international trade and the protection and promotion of the diversity of cultures. Instead a more holistic approach seems to be needed, which appears to coincide with the approach taken by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which joined the WTO in 2001. The present paper examines the holistic approach by the PRC, which seeks to combine rather than separate culture and trade in its domestic, regional and global law and policymaking. 相似文献
In the recent literature on the cultural politics of naming, toponyms and street names are increasingly read within the wider social–historical context upon which naming is contingent. In this perspective, naming is often seen as an act of power and a way to inscribe an ideological discourse into the landscape. In this article, we analyze the street names currently inscribed in the historical center of the Italian city of Milan, Italy as a reflection of its long and contested social and political history. Fragments of all the different toponymic regimes and hegemonic discourses that took over one after the other over time have remained inscribed in Milan’s street network, originating a complex tapestry in which different pasts revive and conflicting ideologies co-exist. In this context, we examine the role Geographical Information Science (GIScience) methods and technologies play in quantifying, revealing, and visualizing the spatial patterns of downtown Milan’s toponymic texture at the urban scale and at the scale of the six historical neighborhoods. 相似文献
X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analyses of metals, glasses and enamels from the Corona Ferrea, or Iron Crown, of Monza are reported. The method followed to obtain quantitative analysis of metal alloys was based on comparison with standards and it is framed on the more general problem of XRF quantitative analysis of irregularly shaped objects with a portable instrument. Preliminary radiocarbon dating results are also reported.相似文献
Recent restorations of Trajan's Column uncovered two marble fragments bearing traces of pigments, bright red (minium, hematite) in one case, and yellowish-orange (minium, hematite, clay minerals) in the other. Both were applied to the marble surface on a plaster underlayer. The presence of an underlayer and of surfaces coloured according to subject tells us that the colours were applied deliberately. Although the use of minium plus hematite is confirmed by archaeological finds, there is only a good probability that the colours were applied on the column at the time of its completion.相似文献
One hundred and fifty-seven sherds of Campanian pottery were analysed by inductively coupled plasma optical emission spectroscopy (ICP-OES) and flame emission spectroscopy (FES). The sherds were found in the course of archaeological excavations carried out at the sites of Sibari, Cosenza, Crotone, Locri, Reggio and Oppido Mamertina in southern Italy (ancient Bruttium, today Calabria). Analyses were carried out on dissolved samples, determining 15 elements per sample (Al, Fe, Ca, Mg, Ti, Mn, Sr, Ba, Cr, Cu, Y, La and Sc by ICP-OES, and Na and K by FES). Analytical data were subject to multivariate statistical treatment by hierarchical cluster analysis and principal components analysis. Results indicated different compositional groups, allowing one to separate suspected imports from Campania, Etruria and Sicily from each other and from likely local products. The latter could be further classified into different groups, comprising imitations of foreign forms as well as original local products.相似文献
Timber structures can be degraded during their life both by structural problems and by biological degradation factors like fungi and insects. The occurrence of those biodegradation agents could lead to a loss of their structural integrity, in the absence of appropriate maintenance. An early assessment of the decay is even more important when the wooden structures are part of historical buildings, in the interest of conservation of cultural heritage.
This article presents an application of microwave reflectometry for the in situ evaluation of timber structures. The measurement system allows detecting anomalies inside the material in a non-destructive and non-invasive manner.
The reflection coefficient is measured by means of a vector network analyzer (VNA) using a double-ridge antenna which transmits the continuous-wave (CW) microwave signal and receives the signal reflected by the material under investigation.
Measurements on laboratory models demonstrated the feasibility of the method. Results obtained on timber beam sections, compared with the findings of traditional investigation methodologies, demonstrate the potentiality of microwave reflectometry, suggesting its possible usefulness during the diagnostic phase as a non-invasive tool for preliminary screening. 相似文献
AbstractHistoriographies of humanitarian aid and aid agencies alike had suggested an ever-growing politicization and militarization following the end of the ‘cold war’. But already in the 1980s, the field of humanitarian aid underwent extensive changes; new aid agencies no longer relied on Christian ideas of charity or leftist internationalism, short-term aid gained new importance and an ever-growing disaster awareness can be observed. The relief organization ‘Cap Anamur ’/’ German Emergency Doctors’ (GED) was founded in 1979 with the purpose of saving the so-called ‘boat people’. Typical for its time, it ascribed to a pure and innate humanitarian impulse summarized under the term ‘radical humanism’. Using the example of GED the article sets out to scrutinise the policies of this new humanitarianism that can be summarized as ‘controlled demerging’. The article brings into focus humanitarian aid as such, its own logic deriving from a particular idea of humanitarianism, considering both site-specific practices and also specific policies that are not necessarily congruent with political or economic interests. It becomes clear that the basis for the new political meaning humanitarian aid gained from the 1990s onwards was already laid by the humanitarian-aid agencies themselves. 相似文献