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1.
郭俭 《华侨华人历史研究》2012,(4):31-40
论文在对二次大战前后奥地利华人历史和经济活动进行探讨的基础上,重点对20世纪80年以来奥地利华人的社群分布和特征进行了梳理和分析。在多种华人移民潮和流向相互交错之下,奥地利的华人逐渐形成了一个社群,无论在移民来源地或是社会经济方面都呈现出多元化的特性。源于这种多元性,华人社会内部出现了阶层划分。中国的改革开放和东西方冷战结束这两种因素,使奥地利的华人移民景观发生变化。"中国移民新秩序"格局的形成,对中国人的全球性移民造成深远的影响,延及奥地利。冷战后东西方集团取消政治边界,使奥地利成为中国移民在流向西欧﹑东欧或是南欧的旅途中最受欢迎的过道。奥地利因此从非侨乡新移民的临时落脚地转变成中国移民的安身落户之所。 相似文献
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Joé Majerus 《国际历史评论》2019,41(4):845-865
Few men arguably shaped the trajectory of American foreign policy in the twentieth century as durably and profoundly as Henry L. Stimson. After all, Stimson was not only directly involved in many consequential decisions dealing with highly important matters of war and peace, but was also a major influence in the United States’ more proactive involvement in extra-territorial affairs. For Stimson, it was simply wishful thinking to presume that the United States could forever disengage itself from far-reaching occurrences in other parts of the globe. Accordingly, he thought it just as critical to anticipate international problems as it was to successfully resolve them afterwards, with the result that he became an ardent and early proponent of a much more sophisticated global strategy after the Second World War. In that context, however, most historians have primarily focused on Stimson's role in the development and use of the atomic bomb against Imperial Japan, though arguably less on his more sweeping grand strategic designs. Consequently, the present article will attempt to offer a more comprehensive analysis of Stimson's grand strategic designs, particularly as they related to his vision and reflections on the necessary ingredients of a more peaceful, stable and secure interstate system. 相似文献
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This article examines the symbolic construction of Canadian national identity by the 1993–2006 Liberal governments and the 2006–2015 Conservative governments. To do so, it employs the concept of a ‘national symbolic order’, which refers to the complex set of public symbols that invoke, transport, and define claims to a shared national identity. Within Canada's national symbolic order, we focus on the state's use of national symbols across two domains: Speeches from the Throne and banknotes. Our analysis shows that Canada's recent Conservative government has used both of these domains to reshape Canadian national identity in ways that accord with neo-conservative values and ideology, and that it has done so in a coherent, consistent, and comprehensive fashion. This analysis highlights the symbolic strategies employed by state actors in linking particular ideologies to their nation-building projects; these strategies span multiple political and policy spaces. 相似文献
4.
Leena Alanen 《Children's Geographies》2020,18(2):141-143
ABSTRACTThis brief comment on Samantha Punch's paper first recalls the theoretical context in which the notions ‘generational order’ and ‘generationing’ emerged. It is then suggested that their uneven use both in childhood research and elsewhere is centrally related to inadequate consideration of ontological and methodological issues involved in cross-theory and cross-context adaption of ‘travelling concepts’. 相似文献
5.
邓小平与教育战线的拨乱反正 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
邓小平 1 977年再度复出以后 ,亲自领导教育战线率先进行拨乱反正 ,推倒“两个估计” ,恢复高校招生考试制度 ,继承和发展了毛泽东教育思想 ,对中国教育的改革开放提出了一系列方针、政策和措施 ,不仅大大推进了中国教育事业的改革开放 ,而且对全国各条战线的拨乱反正和改革开放产生了积极的影响 ,起到了推动的作用。邓小平在教育工作方面的理论与实践 ,丰富和发展了马列主义、毛泽东思想 相似文献
6.
Paul W. Schroeder 《国际历史评论》2013,35(4):745-754
This article analyses the international thought of the US sinologist and political advisor Owen Lattimore (1900–89). A well-known expert on China and the Far East, Lattimore was a ‘public intellectual’ and advisor to Chiang Kai-shek and Franklin D. Roosevelt. In 1950, after Senator Joseph McCarthy accused him of Soviet espionage, Lattimore's reputation was irrevocably damaged and his political thought forgotten. By assessing his visions of global democracy and geopolitics, this article claims Lattimore made insightful contributions to international thought. On the eve of the cold war, Lattimore's ideas of pluralistic democracy and tripolar world order offered an alternative vision of the post-war era, focusing on political participation and diversity. This article focuses on Lattimore's published writings in the 1940s, when, as political advisor and director of the Johns Hopkins’ Page School of International Relations, he sought to shift international attention from Europe to the Far East as the potential birthplace of a new version of post-colonial democracy. A fervent anti-imperialist, Lattimore crafted new political space for global democracy in a post-imperial age. His thoughtful discussion of participation, co-operation, democracy, knowledge, and pluralism make his vision of world order an interesting contribution to international thought in the twentieth century. 相似文献
7.
Andrew Phillips 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2013,67(2):125-140
This article considers the regional order-building challenges that Australia presently confronts in the Indian Ocean region (IOR). The author argues that while regional stability within the IOR constitutes an increasingly important Australian security interest, policy makers will struggle to translate the order-building strategies they have previously pursued in East Asia into an Indian Ocean context. In East Asia, Australia has historically pursued a ‘dual track’ order-building strategy centred on its participation in a US-dominated ‘hub and spokes’ alliance system alongside multilateral regional engagement. The absence of an equivalent alliance system or an established tradition of multilateral security diplomacy conversely precludes an extension of this strategy into the IOR. Growing tensions between the USA and China and between China and India, meanwhile, further complicate IOR security dynamics, while underscoring the urgent need for a more coherent approach to regional order-building. With these challenges in mind, the author concludes by proposing a range of bilateral, minilateral and multilateral initiatives that Australia should pursue to stimulate the emergence of a more cooperative IOR security environment. 相似文献
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As global capitalism is expanding to the most remote areas of the world, the notion of “frontier”, where competing social orders are contesting each other, is gaining traction in academic analyses. Contemporary frontiers are associated with resource exploitation in marginalized spaces and processes of socioecological transformation, which are characterized as particularly violent. This article offers a conceptual contribution to the frontier debate by putting violence in the center of a frontier concept. Building on a sociology of violence, this approach assumes that every social order comes with some form of organized violence. We argue that the frontier is characterized by a tidal passage: Existing orders and their institutions, which socially embed and constrain a particular use of violence, are challenged by an expansive order which comes along with new formations of violence, leading to a reorganization of violence. Thus the frontier describes a momentum in which the interplay of social order and organized violence becomes highly disputed. Representatives of the expansive order refuse to recognize existing orders and favour a state of exception, in which law is set aside to impose the new order. 相似文献
10.
Hur Nam-lin 《中国历史研究》2019,52(1):59-75
AbstractDuring the second stage of the East Asian War, Toyotomi Hideyoshi 豐臣秀吉 hopefully sought to make an honorable exit, but the Choson 朝鮮 formulated a unique diplomatic strategy that brought the Ming to the battlefield, and there was no way for Toyotomi Hideyoshi's retreat and attempts at peace talks to be successful. In the end, the war concluded with Toyotomi Hideyoshi's death from illness and the retreat of the Japanese army in defeat, and the international order established between China and Korea was maintained. 相似文献