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1.
Ryan McCourt 《Parliamentary History》2014,33(3):475-500
This article explores Ernest Blythe's tenure as minister for finance of the Irish Free State, 1923–32. Using a range of sources, but particularly his papers in University College Dublin Department of Archives, this work aims to redress the academic neglect of one of the Free State's most infamous characters. In a broader sense, this study offers a commentary on Blythe's party, Cumann na nGaedheal, and Irish political culture generally. Throughout the text, attention is paid to the existing historiography of the period, and, where deemed necessary, some critiques are made. 相似文献
2.
Daniel Mahla 《Journal of Israeli History》2015,34(2):117-140
This article investigates the dynamics between the two major Orthodox political movements of the twentieth century – the religious Zionist movement Mizrahi and its non-Zionist opponent Agudat Yisrael – in the context of their tripartite relationship with the Zionist Organization. Due to its increased involvement in Palestinian affairs, the Agudah entered negotiations with the Zionists in the mid-1920s. These negotiations and the possibility of cooperation between Agudat Yisrael and the Zionist Organization threatened the position of the religious Zionists within the ZO. The resulting competition between the two Orthodox groups led to the refinement of party platforms and the crystallization of independent political camps. 相似文献
3.
Stephen Abbott 《Interdisciplinary science reviews : ISR》2014,39(3):224-237
AbstractWhen Simon McBurney set out to create a play about the fabled relationship between Cambridge mathematician G. H. Hardy and the self-taught Indian genius Srinivasa Ramanujan, he was immediately confronted by the question of how to engage the mathematics authentically. Undaunted by his own uneasiness with the subject, McBurney incorporated a host of experts into the rehearsal process, calling on mathematical educators, expositors, and Fields medalists to come work with the company. While on the surface maths and drama make an incongruous pair, the result was a vibrant collaboration. The final product — the award-winning play A Disappearing Number — shines an interesting light on the surprising similarity between the creative process in mathematics and the creative process in theatre, especially as manifested by the company at Complicite. 相似文献
4.
Stephen Kelly 《Irish Studies Review》2014,22(4):415-431
This article demonstrates that Fianna Fáil's efforts in 2007 and thereafter to reconfigure as an all-Ireland party represented a volte-face in policy. From an historical perspective, since Fianna Fáil's establishment in 1926, consecutive leaders from Éamon de Valera to Albert Reynolds in the 1990s consistently refused to remodel the party on an all-Ireland basis. Rather than participating in Northern Ireland mainstream politics, Fianna Fáil was fixated with firstly securing, and then maintaining, a republican government in the south of Ireland. Accordingly, in the words of Lemass speaking in 1964, any “Southern interference in the North's affairs” was habitually ruled out by the Fianna Fáil leadership. 相似文献
5.
Sylvie Guichard 《Nations & Nationalism》2013,19(1):68-86
‘Unity is always obtained by means of brutality’ wrote Ernest Renan. Following this idea, this article investigates how social conflicts and violence are included or muted in national history. This is done by comparing the successive series of history textbooks used in India in the postindependence period. The historical narratives contained in the textbooks were influenced by different conceptions of the Indian nation, and these variations allow us to observe and better understand what is remembered or forgotten in the national narrative. We will see that conflicts and violence are referred to when they involve the nation against its ‘other’ but depictions of conflicts within the nation as it is imagined are avoided. Thus, certain violent episodes of the past find a place in the national historical narrative, yet violence in itself is never described. 相似文献
6.
Sanjay Chaturvedi 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2002,93(2):149-159
Integral to the geopolitics of place‐making on the subcontinent, having acquired hegemonic categorical forms in the imperial mapping of ‘India’ as two opposed and self‐contained communities of the ‘Hindus’ and the ‘Muslims’, authenticated by an ‘unclean partition’, the otherness in the case of India and Pakistan persists in its various avatars. The reflexivity in the process of othering is evident in the character as well as behaviour of nations, which not only define themselves in respect to each other, but also seek for some kind of purity for the self through the demonisation of the other. Otherness is further reinforced through hegemonic, homogenising, state‐centric discourses on ‘national identity’ and ‘national (in)security’, and exclusivist geopolitical imaginations of various ethno‐religious groups. The discourse of otherness meets practice not only in the Pakistani social studies curriculum but also at the least expected site of the Wagah border crossing between Pakistan and India. But it does raise a few difficult questions, which are worth probing by inter‐disciplinary, comparative studies of partition. 相似文献
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英国政府非常重视印度权力的移交问题。将政权移交给一个统一的印度政府可能在最大限度内维护英国在印度的政治利益、经济利益和战略利益。1918年《蒙塔古—蔡姆斯福德报告》提出由英属印度和印度土邦组成印度联邦的设想,此后,英国政府为实现这一设想作了很多努力,《西蒙委员会报告》、圆桌会议、《1935年印度政府法》、"内阁使团方案"一再重申并不断完善联邦方案。但是,由于国大党、穆斯林联盟等印度党派和教派不能互相妥协与合作,全印联邦方案最终流产,英国政府不得不实行印巴分治。 相似文献
9.
Partitioned identities? Everyday national distinctions in Northern Ireland and the Irish state
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Jennifer Todd 《Nations & Nationalism》2015,21(1):21-42
How does political structure affect ethno‐national distinction? Partitioned societies are a good test case where we can see the effects of changed socio‐political circumstances on historically inherited distinction. This article takes nominally identical distinctions of nationality and religion with common historical roots and shows how they are differentially understood in two polities partitioned in 1920: Northern Ireland, a devolved region of the United Kingdom, and the Irish state. Using a data base of interviews with over 220 respondents, of which 75 in Northern Ireland, conducted between 2003 and 2006, it shows how complex, potentially totalising and exclusive ‘ethnic’ and ‘ethno‐national’ divisions are built up from simpler and more permeable distinctions. Respondents interrelate the same elements into a loosely‐knit symbolic structure – different in each jurisdiction – which frames expectations and discourse, and which is associated with different logics of national discourse, one focussing on personal orientation, the other on group belonging. The resultant ‘ethno‐national’ distinctions function differently North and South. 相似文献
10.
Sylvia A. Ellis 《Irish Studies Review》2008,16(2):113-130
President John F. Kennedy's visit to Ireland in June 1963 was the first by a serving American President. Using materials from archives in London, Dublin, and Boston, this article re-assesses the motives behind Kennedy's decision to visit Ireland and concludes that it was largely a personal journey. However, the trip was not without wider historical and political significance and was surrounded by controversy. The visit was unpopular in the United States, proved a security nightmare, and provoked much discussion amongst the political leadership in Belfast, Dublin and London over Kennedy's attitude to partition. The visit marked a major development in the history of Irish-American relations as it eased tensions over Ireland's neutrality, marked a shift towards White House activism in Irish affairs, boosted Irish tourism, and fostered increased trading and cultural links between the two countries. 相似文献