百人会与美国华人社会

建立于 1 990年的“美国华裔百人委员会” ,简称“百人会” ,是美国社会非常有影响的一个华人社团 ,该组织的成员大多是在各自领域取得了杰出成就的精英。在这种背景下 ,该组织在过去的 1 3年里积极充当美国华人的代言人 ,架起中美交往的桥梁 ,为提升美国华人的社会地位、促进中美关系的良性发展做出了重大贡献 ,该组织也深受中美两国政府关注。但遗憾的是 ,至今学术界少有人对它进行全面研究。本文从“百人会”成立的背景及其发挥的作用等方面进行分析 ,以填补美国华侨华人研究的这一小空白。     

‘Not on Your Life’: Cabinet and Liberalisation of the White Australia Policy, 1964–67

The liberalisation of the White Australia policy in the mid-1960s was a seminal event in Australian history. It marked the beginning of the end for the racial conception of society which had defined the federation since the late-nineteenth century. Cabinet’s discussions of the proposed changes during these years demonstrate that most Australian political leaders were not only fundamentally opposed to reform but also unconvinced by arguments emphasising the policy’s administrative inconsistencies, lack of humanitarianism and racially discriminatory features. Nor were they entirely swayed by arguments of diplomatic expediency, which had been advanced by senior Immigration and External Affairs officials since the 1950s. The decline of British race patriotism in the early 1960s weakened the ideological foundations of White Australia and allowed policy-makers to reconsider its foreign policy implications, especially in terms of Australia’s relations with Asia. Although cautious, the reforms of the mid-1960s represented an important break with the policy’s fundamental principles and provided the groundwork for further liberalisation and the formal abolition of White Australia in the 1970s.     

军阀与内阁——北洋军阀统治时期内阁阁员群体构成与分析(1916-1928)

北洋军阀统治时期,军人干政成为北京政治生活中的常态。内阁作为北京政府的最高行政机构,不仅掌握着中央财力的分配权和地方督军、巡阅使的任命权,且作为正统的合法性来源,成为军阀竞相角逐的对象。内阁阁员群体的社会结构和社会网络表明,地域因素、同学关系、亲属关系等都是影响内阁群体构成的重要因素。这表明中国在封建王朝向近代国家转变的过程中,传统社会关系对现实政治具有深刻影响。     

Robert Harley and the Ministerial Revolution of 1710 (edited by W.A. SPECK)

The ministerial revolution of 1710 transformed a predominantly whig administration in April to a tory-dominated ministry by September. Historians have generally attributed this transformation to the political objectives and skills of Robert Harley. But such a conclusion makes the methodological error of deducing his intentions from the outcome. On close examination Harley did not intend to make such drastic changes initially. On the contrary, he wished to limit them to the removal of the earl of Sunderland from his secretaryship of state and the earl of Godolphin from the lord treasurership, and to curtail, if not eliminate, the influence of the duke of Marlborough and his duchess in affairs of state. Other whigs, especially the so-called junto, he hoped to retain in power. This would have necessitated the retention of the existing parliament which did not have to be dissolved under the Triennial Act until 1711. These plans came unstuck. The junto, though prepared to take Harley seriously, eventually refused to deal with him and resigned their offices. Harley was also obliged to take in more tories than he wanted. The main reason for the failure of his original plan was the influence of Queen Anne, which has been overlooked or underestimated in previous accounts.     

鸠山内阁时期中日、苏日关系比较研究

鸠山内阁时期,同属社会主义阵营的中苏两国都积极主张与日恢复邦交,苏日两国很快实现,而中日两国仍停留于民间交往。其原因是复杂的,文章着重从三个方面分析：1、在鸠山内阁外交战略中,日苏关系先于日中关系;2、中苏两国对日外交方式不同,苏联选择政府间的非正式外交方式,中国选择非政府间的民间交往方式;3、中苏两国对解决日俘、渔业等问题的认识不同,苏联将其视为邦交的资本,中国将其视为邦交的前提。     

论近代英国内阁制的形成

英国是西方世界首创内阁制的国家。早在斯图亚特王朝后期,在种种主客观因素的推动下,此前处于萌芽状态的内阁逐渐走向公开化、独立化、制度化,由此标志着内阁制在英国的形成。不过,与18世纪中后叶的责任制内阁相比,此间的内阁依然残留着君主政治的痕迹。对于王权的依附以及与议会之间缺乏必然的关联,使得责任制在内阁中还未建立起来。只有到汉诺威王朝时期,当王权急剧衰落、议会主权地位确立后,早期的内阁制才完成了向责任内阁制的转变。     

‘A Rather Novel Constitutional Experiment’: The Formation of the 1977–8 ‘Lib‐Lab Pact’

By March 1977, the Labour government which had narrowly been re‐elected in the October 1974 election, had lost its parliamentary majority, and was facing a vote of confidence tabled by the Conservative opposition. Senior Labour figures thus desperately sought to secure support from one of the minor parties. Unable to broker a deal with either the Ulster Unionists or the Scottish National Party (SNP), largely due to ideological differences, the Labour leadership entered into negotiations with the Liberal leader, David Steel. The result was that the Liberal Party agreed to provide the Labour government with parliamentary support, in return for consultation, via a joint committee, over future policies, coupled with the reintroduction of devolution legislation, and a pledge to provide for direct elections for the European parliament (ideally using some form of proportional representation). There was some surprise that Steel had not pressed for more, or stronger, policy commitments or concessions from the Labour prime minister, James Callaghan, but Steel was thinking long term; he envisaged that Liberal participation in the joint consultative committee would foster closer co‐operation between Liberals and Labour moderates/social democrats, and eventually facilitate a realignment of British politics by marginalising both the Labour left, and the increasingly right‐wing Conservatives Party.     

MPs on the Subject of STEMM: What Can Oral History Tell Us?*

A growing collection of archived oral history interviews with former MPs offers historians new opportunities to study the influences that have directed MPs’ routes into elected office and their behaviour in the house of commons. This article draws on evidence in the interviews to consider the extent to which an MP's background in science, technology, engineering, maths, and medicine (so-called STEMM subjects) has contributed to his or her activity as a parliamentarian. When concerns are raised about the House's capacity to effectively debate and scrutinise legislation concerning STEMM matters, those concerns are often accompanied by calls for more MPs with a STEMM background. Listening to these oral history interviews to hear what individual MPs say about their connections with STEMM – whether before, during, or after their time in the Commons – provides an insight into the relevance of having a STEMM background as an MP and offers explanations as to why MPs with a STEMM background are in a minority in the House. As such, this examination of historical material contributes to the ongoing debate about the role of STEMM experts in parliament while demonstrating the value of consulting archived oral history interviews when researching 20th-century parliamentary history.     

贵州省赈务会的成立及其演变概况探析

民国时期,灾荒与战争在贵州大地交相发生,由此给生活在黔中大地的人们带来了严重灾祸。在这一背景之下,根据国民政府的统一部署,贵州成立了省赈务会。赈务会的中心任务就是救济因灾或战争而产生的难民,它属于贵州救济难民的一个官方机构。正因其特殊的官方背景,因此,自其成立之后,既要接受国民政府相关救济机构的指导,同样亦应纳入贵州省政府的直接领导之下。由此,随着岁月的变迁与国民政府政治的调整与变化,贵州省赈务会成立之后,亦经历了一个不断演变直至终结的历史过程。通过对贵州省赈务会演变的历史分析,让我们从赈务的层面认识与了解到民国时期贵州官方赈务组织机构变化发展的基本概况。