Social learning as an analytical lens for co-creative planning

This article highlights the psychological dimension of social learning. Insights from psychology address the interrelated role of personal and group dynamics in social learning. This can provide a useful starting point for a rewarding use of social learning as an analytical tool in co-creative planning. Such an approach to social learning proves beneficial to (i) identify both positive and negative potential effects of social learning, (ii) untangle hidden power relationships at play at individual and small group levels in relation to social psychological factors, and (iii) discern the role of individuals and small groups within their larger contexts. The findings are empirically illustrated with a case of incremental urban development in Groningen, the Netherlands.     

汉代黄老学述略——兼及曹魏时期

两汉是中国哲学史上黄老思想发展的重要阶段。西汉前期,部分地方黄老学派由隐而显,先后进入朝廷,开创了黄老学由民间学说飞跃而为官方统治思想的局面。汉武帝时期“罢黜百家,表彰‘六经’”虽为黄老学发展的转折点,但仅止于政治意识形态领域,在其他方面黄老学仍然有很大的发展。自西汉前期至东汉后期,有黄老学者或集聚于王公卿相门下讲论“道”“德”,或授徒讲学、著书立说,从而形成了若干地方黄老学中心。司马迁所说“儒道互绌”应是特殊情况下的个别而非普遍现象。司马迁前后学黄老者更多的是儒道兼习而学有所偏。汉魏时期崇习黄老的学者中,不但出现了家庭式、家族式的黄老学者团体,而且出现了对黄老学发展发挥了重要作用的三位女性。     

Identification of Suspected Horn from the Queen Anne's Revenge (1718), North Carolina,USA

Infrared spectroscopy can be a valuable tool for conservators and archaeologists to help identify archaeological artefacts. We present a case‐study on the identification of an artefact recovered by North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources (NCDCR) Underwater Archaeology Branch from an early‐18th‐century shipwreck (31CR314). The wreck is assumed to be the remains of Queen Anne's Revenge, which sank off the North Carolina coast in 1718. A sample of the artefact was analysed by infrared spectroscopy to identify it. Prior to spectroscopic analysis it was speculated that the sample could be animal horn or leather. © 2011 The Authors     

抗战时期西北皮毛贸易与大后方经济变动

皮毛是西北地区重要的畜牧产品。近代以来,随着天津的开埠通商,在天津口岸的经济辐射作用下,大量西北皮毛通过黄河水运汇集至包头后再通过平绥铁路运至天津出口美英等国,皮毛成为西北最重要的出口物资,大量西北皮毛的出口也成为西北地区皮毛业外向化的重要表现。但抗战爆发以后,西北皮毛贸易发生了巨大变化。首先,西北皮毛出口运输路线改为向西汇集兰州后再通过甘新公路或甘新大道运至猩猩峡出口苏联,使得苏联取代战前美国成为中国最大皮毛进口国,这也直接推动了战时中苏易货贸易的发展。其次,由于战时西北皮毛出口运输较战前出口运输路途艰险,加上战时出口市场萎缩等原因,造成战时西北皮毛出口量较战前减少。战时西北皮毛出口量的减少,迫使部分皮毛出口转内销,西北皮毛业从战前外向化开始转为战时内向化。西北皮毛内销数量的增加,也推动了大后方毛纺织业的发展。因此,战时西北皮毛业的内向化一定程度上为战时大后方经济的发展积累了新的动力因素。     

From culture for the people to culture for profit: the PRC’s journey toward a cultural industries approach

This paper seeks to explore the internal driving forces behind the emergence and prosperity of China’s cultural industries. The paper traces the Chinese Communist Party’s radical transformation from stressing the class stand and ideological nature of culture to concluding with the concept of ‘cultural industries’ so as to expand an orthodox Marxist/Leninist/Maoist notion of culture. The Chinese party-state legalizes ‘cultural industries’ by extending the market mechanism into the cultural arena, and acknowledges the triple statuses of culture as a public service provider, a market profit contributor, and an essential builder of the ‘socialist core value system.’ By doing so, the Chinese Party-state is able to take advantage of the economic power of the market while retaining the ideological control function of culture. As such, cultural industries become a mode of governance for the CCP to maintain cultural security and national identity, and a source of soft power to maneuver.     

Flirtatious geographies: clubs as spaces for the performance of affective heterosexualities

This article addresses the (hetero)sexualized, sensuous and affective nature of straight club spaces in Singapore. By attending to the theoretical intersections between affect studies and feminist perspectives, I argue that straight clubs are sites for the performances of affective heterosexualities that may and may not end up re-inscribing asymmetrical gendered power relations. In so doing, I hope to contribute to the growing literature on affectual geographies by expounding on the numerous technologies of affect which are being deployed in order to incite, transmit and sustain (hetero)sexual desires between bodies. Flirtatious (hetero)sexual practices thus give rise to, and are a result of, the political manipulation of intensely felt affects. Furthermore, I suggest that we should not overlook how becoming (hetero)sexual ‘feels like’ because these ‘feelings’ work to crystallize (hetero)sexual spaces and subjectivities. Nonetheless, we must also be careful not to discount the salience of ‘heterosexuality’ as a representational device that serves to codify and categorize sexual desires between bodies.     

评《街头文化：成都公共空间下层民众与地方政治》

该著打破了以往只研究精英而忽视下层民众的传统,转而以中国内陆城市成都作为研究对象,考察公共空间、下层民众、大众文化和地方政治的关系。以“街头文化”作为研究中心,展示街头出现的各种文化现象。用“叙事”的方法将读者引入到身临其境的境地,感受成都街头茶馆儿里的舒适与闲暇、街上小商小贩的叫卖声、街道两旁闲聊边织布的普通妇女,还有街上卖艺的热闹。     

The persistence of white ethnicity in New England politics

There was a consensus among earlier students of New England politics that the political influence of European ancestry was fading by the latter half of the 20th century. We examine this proposition in recent times by exploring the role of ethnic ancestry in explaining the political divide in the region's presidential voting in over 1500 New England towns. Contrary to earlier predictions, ethnic origin does retain some explanatory power in models of recent voting behavior, and ethnic cleavages have not been entirely replaced by economic divisions in the electorate. Although the settlement patterns of the more established and numerous nationality groups (i.e. Irish and Italians) are less associated with partisanship than they were 50 years ago, the political salience of white ethnicity persists, suggesting that ethnic groups do not simply dealign or politically “assimilate” over time. Some groups maintain a strong identity in spite of upward mobility because movement from city to suburbs is selected not just on housing, income or school characteristics, as is usually the case, but on ethnicity too. Towns with significant concentrations of specific European ancestry groups lean Republican, even after we have accounted for the presence of other sources of political leaning and past voting tendencies, while Democratic attachments are undeniably strong in towns where the newer immigrant groups have settled. The “new ethnicity” (i.e. racial minorities) and the “old ethnicity” (i.e. white ethnics) clearly carry distinct political implications for this region's presidential politics.     

制度转型下国会议员与武力派的政治角力——以1918年军政府改组为中心

民国初年,维护法律的国会议员与迷信强权的武力派并存,前者的政治影响力往往受到怀疑。1918年军政府改组,国会激进派民友社领袖的政治失利,似乎即是武力派战胜国会议员的不争事实。然而如果注意到国民党国会稳健派即益友社和政学会的政治主动性,就会发现,此次改组,或者可以看作是军政府内部体制由元首制向合议制的一次调整,是领袖人物由国会激进派向稳健派的暂时转移。当时国会议员和武力派的宗旨利害相互渗透,各自内部及相互之间立场不断重组,这使得国会议员有可能利用武力派之间的矛盾空隙,推进自己的主张,从而实际上对政局发生影响。     

After Neoliberalism? Community Activism and Local Partnerships in Aotearoa New Zealand

In Aotearoa New Zealand, as elsewhere, partnership programmes overtly targeted to the strengthening of local communities are developing in a range of institutional sites. This development, it is claimed by some, moves social governance well beyond the narrow, market‐oriented, contractualism of earlier forms of neoliberalism, and into a new era of joined up, inclusive governance. Here we highlight the emergent role of "strategic brokers" who do the grounded joining up of governance in this new partnering ethos. Drawing on the findings of a large project on local partnerships in Aotearoa New Zealand, we show how community activists have played a distinctive historical role in shaping the form that local partnerships take. We then turn our attention to the current context, examining the rise of mandatory partnership working and the implications of this for community activists. We highlight key aspects of new forms of gendered professionalism, including the need to have both knowledge of and knowledge about communities. In outlining the historical development and current scope of strategic broker roles, we ask what we can learn about the nature of would‐be "post‐neoliberal" social governance.