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Valerie Sperling 《Nations & Nationalism》2003,9(2):235-253
In a nation‐state, where ethnic and territorial borders coincide, patriotism may easily have an exclusivist‐nationalist component, and be used to serve the goals of politicians hoping to mobilise the population for destructive goals. In a multinational state like Russia, the militaristic patriotism that Yeltsin's and Putin's administrations promote can also carry that risk. The Russian state leadership's use of a militaristic patriotism as a means to generate popular support risks unleashing ethnic chauvinism and the military domination of civilian institutions. Such phenomena cast doubt on the prospects for Russia's state‐building process to proceed along liberal democratic lines. Non‐governmental organisations, such as Russia's Committee of Soldiers' Mothers , however, have devised an alternative vision of patriotism, relying on rule of law and the observance of civil rights, and thereby hold out a slim hope for reframing Russian patriotism and building a peaceful democracy. 相似文献
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Valerie Fenwick 《International Journal of Nautical Archaeology》2004,33(1):177-181
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Valerie Vrancken 《Journal of Medieval History》2017,43(5):579-599
This case study on the Brabantine uprising of 1420–1 reveals common ground between noble and urban political values, calling into question the dominant historiographical cleavage between noble and urban ideologies. In 1420, one of the most severe political conflicts in Brabantine history caused a coalition of members of the upper nobility and Leuven city councillors to remove Duke John IV from the throne and convict his councillors. Preceding these drastic events, both parties had written texts together to legitimise their political position and attract supporters. By analysing the writings of the insurgents, this article illustrates how these noblemen and urban councillors combined their political ideas in practice to create a coherent discourse that supported their claims to power. The analysis also emphasises the insurgents’ appropriation, interpretation and use of key notions, such as the ‘common good’, to criticise Duke John’s government and promote their cause. 相似文献
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Shannon R. Pynn Kacey C. Neely Meghan S. Ingstrup John C. Spence Valerie Carson Zac Robinson 《Children's Geographies》2019,17(3):266-277
ABSTRACT This study addressed the question: How and why has the good parenting ideal changed in relation to active free play (AFP) during middle childhood? Twenty-eight middle class and predominantly white adults (14 grandparent-parent dyads) completed individual semi-structured interviews. Data were subjected to a thematic analysis. Two themes (changing expectations for parental involvement in children's lives and increasing expectations to involve children in structured activities) depicted how the good parenting ideal has changed. A further two themes (news media influence on perceptions of safety and concerns about being judged on social media) explained some of the reasons why the good parenting ideal has changed. Perceived needs for parental involvement, supervision, and organized activities appear to contradict the notion of active free play. It may be useful to develop initiatives that are consistent with the good parenting ideal, and to examine parents’ use of traditional and social media in future AFP research. 相似文献
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