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The fish remains are described that were found at the bottom of an Early Roman ceramic jar from Aila Aqaba, Jordan. The bones, representing the gill apparatuses of at least 33 medium-sized tunas (Auxis; Scombridae) and a single individual of a lizardfish (Trachinocephalus myops; Synodontidae), are believed to correspond to haimation. This highly prized fish sauce, documented previously only from ancient textual evidence, was typically made from the gills and the entrails of tunnids to which salt was added. The sauce was not imported from the Mediterranean or the Black Sea, but made from local Red Sea fish as shown by the zoogeographical distribution of the lizardfish that is considered as stomach content of the tunas. Because the fish bones were found in a locally produced jar and because the calculated volume of the haimation that the bones represent corresponds more or less to the volume of the jar, it is concluded that this high-quality garum was produced in this container at Aila itself. 相似文献
997.
Recent research refines previous interpretations about the role of climatic factors in the development of Mapungubwe. First, the Medieval Warm Epoch started at about AD 1000, rather than 900. At about AD 900, Zhizo people moved into the Shashe-Limpopo Basin, most likely to hunt elephants for the East Coast trade. Secondly, a dry period at about AD 1200–1250 affected farming societies over a wide area. In the Basin, multiple rainmaking episodes occurred at this time. A similar situation took place around Makapansgat and at Great Zimbabwe. Thirdly, Mapungubwe was probably abandoned in AD 1300 because of cooler and drier conditions. At this time, it would have been impossible to maintain floodplain agriculture at the intensity necessary to support the large population. Agricultural failures probably undermined political authority, contributing to Mapungubwe's abandonment and shift in power to Great Zimbabwe. This detailed sequence challenges the re-calibrated climatic series from Makapansgat. 相似文献
998.
Thomas Callahan 《Journal of Medieval History》1981,7(2):175-185
Few writers, medieval or modern, have had much good to write about William Rufus, the second Norman king of England (1087–1100). Beginning in the twelfth century, chroniclers and historians have portrayed William as a cruel, grasping, and sacriligious ruler. This study traces the development of this unflattering historical image from the twelfth to the eighteenth centuries and notes that the religious convictions which encouraged medieval churchmen to condemn Rufus were offset in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by a more political and anti-catholic approach to his reign. Beginning in the eighteenth century, however, historians abandoned this more flattering portrayal and returned once again to the evil image concocted by the monastic chroniclers. 相似文献
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