Privatization and Democratization in Lithuania: A Case Study of Who Benefits in Siauliai

While Lithuania had undertaken substantial political and economic reform prior to independence, the greatly accelerated pace of privatization following the restoration of same resulted in the emergence of a business class at the local level controlling most of the economic wealth. Concurrent with the process, the state became increasingly less able to either subsidize local governments or assist those hurt most by the reforms. A case study ofSiauliai, Lithuania demonstrates that while the new local business class is overrepresented in the city's government other social elements are not without political voice. Indeed, there appears to be substantial evidence of an "urban regime" linking political office seekers and business interests in an interdependent relationship permitting the former a significant degree of latitude in responding to the demands of pensioners and other citizen groups who make up the majority of their political base.     

Book reviews

Australian books

L. L. Robson, The First A.I.F. A Study of Its Recruitment 1914–1918, Melbourne University Press, 1970, pp. 227 + ix, $6.75.

Richard Gordon (ed.), The Australian New Left: Critical Essays and Strategy, Heinemann Australia, Melbourne, 1970, pp. 304 + x, $1.75.

D. J. Murphy, R. B. Joyce and Colin A. Hughes (eds.), Prelude to Power. The Rise of the Labour Party in Queensland 1885–1915, Queensland University Press, 1970, pp. 336 + xx, $6.95.

J. T. Lang, The Turbulent Years, Alpha Books, Sydney, 1970, pp. 319, $4.95.

C. B. Schedvin, Australia and the Great Depression. A Study of Economic Development and Policy in the 1920s and 1930s, Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1970, pp. 419 + xvi, $10.00.

K. D. Buckley, The Amalgamated Engineers in Australia, 1852–1920, Department of Economic History, A.N.U., Canberra, 1970, pp. 318, $5.00.

W. M. Hughes, The Case for Labor, Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1970, pp. 144 + xxxiv, $1.75 (paper).

W. J. Hudson, Australia and the Colonial Question at the United Nations, Sydney University Press, 1970, pp. ix + 214, $6.00.

W. E. Tomasetti, Australia and the United Nations: New Guinea Trusteeship Issues from 1946–1966, New Guinea Research Bulletin No. 36, pp. viii + 110, Australian National University, 1970.

E. M. Andrews, Isolationism and Appeasement in Australia. Reactions to the European Crises, 1935–1939, Australian National University Press, 1970, pp. 236 + xv, $6.95.

W. Macmahon Ball, Australia and Japan, Nelson, Melbourne, 1969, pp. 172 + xii, $1.95

H. I. London, Non‐White Immigration and the “White Australia” Policy, Sydney University Press, 1970, pp. 318, $7.00.

J. M. Bennett (ed.), A History of the New South Wales Bar, Law Book Company for the Bar Association of New South Wales, Sydney, 1969, pp. 282 + xiv, $10.25.

R. McMurchie (ed.), Australia 1980: Australian Finance Conference — International Seminar, Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1969, pp. 154, $3.50.

Julie Rigg (ed.), In Her Own Right, Nelson, Melbourne, 1969, pp. 184 + viii, $4.95.

Non‐Australian books

Trevor R. Reese, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States. A Survey of International Relations 1941–1968 (Royal Institute of International Affairs), Oxford University Press, London, 1969, pp. 376 + x, $9.35.

Austin Mitchell, Politics and People in New Zealand, Whitcombe and Tombs, Christchurch, New Zealand, 1969, pp. 323, $4.75.

Max Beloff, Imperial Sunset Vol. 1, Britain's Liberal Empire 1897–1921, Methuen & Co. Ltd., London, 1969, pp. 387 + xii, $9.60.

Grant Hugo, Britain in Tomorrow's World, Principles of Foreign Policy, Chatto & Windus, London, 1969, pp. 256, $5.40.

G. St. J. Barclay, Commonwealth or Europe, Queensland University Press, St. Lucia, Queensland, 1970, pp. 210 + xi, $4.95.

J. D. Simmonds, China's World, The Foreign Policy of a Developing State, Australian National University Press, Canberra, 1970, pp. 260 + ix, $6.95.

Haruhiro Fukui, Party in Power. The Japanese Liberal‐Democrats and Policy‐Making, Australian National University Press, Canberra, 1970, pp. 301, $8.50.

S. M. Lipset (ed.), Politics and the Social Sciences, Oxford University Press, New York, 1969, pp. 328 + xxii, $7.50 (Aust.).

J. B. Sanderson, An Interpretation of the Political Ideas of Marx and Engels, Longmans, London, pp. 118, 18/‐ stg.

Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz, Power and Poverty: Theory and Practice, Oxford University Press, New York, 1970, pp. 220 + xiv, $2.95 paper, $6.75 cloth.

Robin Farquharson, Theory of Voting, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1969, pp. 83 + xii, $US5.00.

Stein Rokkan and Jean Meyriat, International Guide to Electoral Statistics. Volume I: National Elections in Western Europe, Mouton, The Hague, 1969, pp. 351 + vi. $13.50.

S. K. Panter‐Brick (ed.), Nigerian Politics and Military Rule: Prelude to the Civil War, Athlone Press, London, 1970, pp. 267, 55/‐ stg.     

An evaluation of Keeley's microwear approach

Lawrence Keeley has developed a microwear approach to lithic use-wear analysis which he claims will enable an investigator to reconstruct aspects of implement function. A notable feature of his approach is the assertion that distinctive wear-polishes form as a result of contact with specific worked materials, making the identification of worked materials possible. To verify the power of this approach, an independent “blind test” was conducted in which Keeley attempted to identify the uses of a set of experimental implements. While the test results support the utility of Keeley's approach in identifying worn areas on an implement and kinematics of use, we suggest the results do not demonstrate the existence of characteristic wear-polishes and thus question the efficacy of this technique in identifying worked materials.A reply by Keeley to this evaluation follows this paper.     

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: EUROCENTRISM IN GEOGRAPHY -THE CASE OF ASIAN URBANIZATION*

This address is in the nature of a series of reflections on underlying intellectual premises that characterize the relationship between Western geographers (defined as those practitioners who generally reside in Anglo-America, Western Europe, Australia, and New Zealand) and the part of the world called Asia. The argument presented is that this relationship is essentially one-sided, in which the Western geographers have defined Asia in their Eurocentric terms. This is part of a broader discourse that may be labelled ‘Orientalism.’ The author, who has spent more than 30 years carrying out research on Asia, analyses these intellectual assumptions in terms of his own experience and suggests how a realization of the Eurocentric premises have enabled him largely to discard them and develop a new model of Asian urbanization. Finally, these trends are related to geography's increasing engagement in the main discourse of social theory. Dans ce discours, il s'agit d'une série de considérations sur les prémisses intellectuelles qui caractérisent les relations entre les géographes occidentaux (soit ceux qui habitent en Amérique anglophone, en Europe de l'ouest, en Australie, et à Nouvelle-Zélande) et les geographes de l'Asie. L'argument est presenté du point de vue des geographes occidentaux, qui decrivent l'Asie en termes eurocentriques. Ceci fait partie d'un sujet plus large, qu'on pourrait nommer ‘l'Orientalisme.’ L'auteur, qui a fait plus de trente ans de recherches sur l'Asie, fait I'analyse de ces premisses dans le cadre de sa propre expérience, et il suggère que la mise en évidence des prémisses eurocentriques lui a permis de les reletter en gros et de développer un nouveau modèle pour décrire l'urbanisation asiatique. Finalernent, l'auteur fait le lien entre ces tendances et le rôle de plus en plus important joué par les geographes dans la dornaine de la théorie sociale en général. From this vantage point, a question somewhat different from that of most historical sociologists arises. Almost all Western writing has been both Eurocentric and written from the hindsight of the 19th and 20th centuries. It has posed the question, crudely paraphrased: What was so special about the West that made it, rather than some other region, the “master” of the world system? Put this way, the question has a self-congratulatory ring. It looks into the special qualities of the West to account for its success. By contrast, then, it judges the other contenders as deficient insofar as they lacked the characteristics of the West. (Janet Abu-Lughod 1978–1979, 6)     

‘One in,all in?’ NATO’s next enlargement

In 1999 NATO heads of state invited three states to join the alliance and are set to invite yet more states to join in November 2002 at the Prague summit. At present there are ten states that have declared their interest in gaining accession to NATO councils, and the prospect is that even more states will most likely be interested in joining in the years to come. The question for NATO is no longer whether to enlarge but how to manage enlargement. This article argues that NATO should invite seven of the ten currently declared aspirant states to join the alliance, on the condition that before actual accession occurs, each state must subsequently meet political, military, economic, security and legal standards that are set forth in an annexe to the official invitation. Furthermore, NATO should determine to hold a summit meeting of the North Atlantic Council triennially, for the purpose of assessing the candidates' membership progress in meeting the criteria, and to this end establish a mechanism, in the form of identified bodies, for the assessment of the candidate members' progress. Such a formal process sets forth a graduated yet assured process that aspirant states must progress through that will result in guaranteed accession to NATO councils and protection. A formal process such as this will ameliorate many of the problems that will almost surely arise from proceeding in a more ad hoc, piecemeal manner, while at the same time keeping the door open to other states who may want to join in the future.