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Cities are considered to be the major drivers of the global economy for many reasons, including their creative and innovative potential in generating sustainable economic growth. Istanbul is one of the global cities searching for a long-term growth strategy. This paper starts with a modest effort of composing an index to be used in the evaluation of the creative potential of cities. Our proposed index, “global creative index”, consists of five main criteria: (1) creativeness, (2) innovativeness, (3) intellectual development, (4) global network connectivity and (5) world cityness emphasizing multinational corporate economy, international division of labour and high intensity of producer and financial services. The use of the index is illustrated through the comparison of nine cities: Hong Kong, Istanbul, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, New York, Shanghai, Singapore and Toronto. The analysis of these nine cities shows that Istanbul is building an innovation environment, but it still lacks research and development infrastructure, technical support and investment in higher education. This comparison offers guidelines for policy-makers to sketch the growth of Istanbul along the lines of creativity and innovativeness. 相似文献
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Bj⊘rnar Olsen 《Norwegian Archaeological Review》2013,46(1):18-21
This article focuses on the complexity of Early Bronze Age weapon depositions. While some of the deposited weapons have been disabled by intentional breakage, others seem to be more or less unused. A plausible explanation for the variability is that the surrender of lethal weapons to land or water was a means of coping with their power or agency – their individuality. We suggest that weapons, in their capacity as extensions of warriors’ bodies, may have substituted for humans in ritual depositions. The metalworkers also come into play, due to their capacities in the processes of making weapons and shaping weapon technologies. Although we consider the three depositions that we discuss to relate to rituals on the occasion of warfare, we are not aiming for a uniform explanation. In the same way as the patterned human behaviour of a ritual is a means of subsuming individual events into a greater order, so a focus on general patterns may subsume the complexity of the past by ignoring the many different events leading to, e.g., the deposition of metalwork. Far from seeing these perspectives as contradictory, we try to use three well-documented individual cases to shed light on the variability within the pattern. 相似文献
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Bj⊘rn Myhre 《Norwegian Archaeological Review》2013,46(1):39-40
In this issue of NAR the development of the agrarian landscape and the farm structure in the Iron Age in Southwest Norway ‐ especially in the district of Jæren ‐ is taken up as a subject for discussion. Two publications by Bj?rn Myhre (Funn, fornminner og ?degårder. Jernalderens bosetning i H?yland Fjellbygd. Stavanger Museums Skrifter 7,1972 and The Iron Age Farm in Southwest Norway. NAR 6, No. 1, 1973) are commented upon by Björn Ambrosiani, Arnvid Lillehammer, Sven‐Olof Lindquist, Perry Rolfsen and Ulf Sporrong. Bj?rn Myhre's reply to the comments closes the discussion. 相似文献
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The Kidney Dagger as a Symbol of Masculine Identity – The Ballock Dagger in the Scandinavian Context
Ole‐Magne N⊘ttveit 《Norwegian Archaeological Review》2013,46(2):138-150
During the 13th century the dagger re‐emerged as a military weapon in Europe. A variety of distinct types evolved, soon also functioning as popular civilian weapons, all over the Continent. Contrary to other European societies, Scandinavians favoured one specific type, namely the kidney dagger. These daggers are found in different archaeological contexts in the Nordic countries, and their violent use is known from both iconographic and written sources. The Scandinavian preference is noted by several authors, one of them even proposing a Scandinavian origin. Still, they do not try to explain this preference. The article presents an interpretation based on the phallic form both of the weapon and of the way of carrying it. The phallic symbolism of the ballock dagger was obvious in contemporary medieval times, but has been obscured later on, for instance by the Victorian label ‘kidney dagger’. Using daggers from Western Norway as a starting point, kidney daggers in Scandinavia are interpreted in a medieval context derived from the Norse sagas and laws. These sources draw a picture of a violent society with rigid conceptions of honour, masculine identity and sexuality. Based on this picture, our understanding of the kidney dagger and material culture of violence in medieval Scandinavian society can be brought a step further. 相似文献
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Per Mathiesen Inger Marie Holm‐Olsen Tom S⊘bstad Haavard Dahl Bratrein 《Norwegian Archaeological Review》2013,46(2):77-78
The part of the Helg?y Project presented here deals with the Norwegian and Sami populations in Helg?y from their supposed immigration to the Region about 13/1400 AD to approximately 1700. Some findings and the methods developed by the project to establish them will be presented, the question of how to distinguish Sami from Norwegian settlements in historical and pre‐historical times being central in the study of North Norway. 相似文献
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J⊘rgen Andersen 《Norwegian Archaeological Review》2013,46(1):68-75
Bente Magnus and Bj?rn Myhre: Forhistorien. Fra jegergruppe til h?vdingsamfunn. Norges Historie, Bind 1 (Prehistory. From hunting groups to a society of chieftainships. The History of Norway, Vol. 1). J. W. Cappelens Forlag A.S., Oslo 1976. 448 pp., 233 Figs. Anders Hagen: Norges oldtid. Ny utgave. (Norway in Ancient Times. New edition.) J. W. Cappelens Forlag A.S., Oslo 1977. 332 pp., 86 Figs. 相似文献
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Für die Faktizität der Briefe Senecas scheint die siebente Epistel mit einer angeblichen Kritik an Nero zu sprechen. Doch Senecas Tadel an den Gladiatorenkämpfen richtet sich nicht gegen den Princeps, sondern gegen das ungebildete, für Grausamkeiten empfängliche Volk. 相似文献