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Abstrakt Nach einer Laufzeit von gut drei Jahren wurde das INTERREG III B Ostseeraum Projekt BaltCoast, für das das Ministerium für Arbeit, Bau und Landesentwicklung Mecklenburg-Vorpommern die Federführung übernommen hatte, im September 2005 abgeschlossen. Dabei ist es gelungen, transnationale Kernempfehlungen zur Rolle der Raumplanung im Rahmen des Integrierten Küstenzonenmanagements (IKZM) und zur Ausweitung der Raumplanung auf See zu erarbeiten. Die mit BaltCoast gewonnenen Erfahrungen und Ergebnisse wurden bereits eingebracht in die sechste Konferenz der für Raumordnung zust?ndigen Minister der Ostseeanrainerstaaten (freiwillige Zusammenarbeit im Rahmen der Initiative „Visions and Strategies around the Baltic Sea 2010“ – kurz VASAB). Sie fand im September 2005 in Danzig statt. Die Ergebnisse von BaltCoast sollen auch im Hinblick auf die regionale Agenda Baltic 21 beraten werden. Darüber hinaus wurden sie bei der nationalen IKZM-Strategie berücksichtigt, die unter Federführung des Bundesministeriums für Umwelt erarbeitet wurde. Noch w?hrend der Laufzeit von BaltCoast konnte damit ein erster Schritt zur politischen Umsetzung der Projekterfahrungen und -ergebnisse realisiert werden.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT This paper is an exploration of the nature of personhood through the medium of the concept of piot in the Lihir islands, Papua New Guinea. Piot is an embodied experience in response to the movement of others in space. When people leave or arrive at a place and spend the night, others in the area feel unwell. Piot is thus one aspect of the relations between persons. I suggest that ideas of relational personhood are inadequate to fully comprehend piot, and, following LiPuma (1998) and Clay (1986) rather than Strathern (1988), argue that persons in Lihir are more than just relational beings who always act with others in mind. Piot is predicated on the dual themes of fixed sociality and mobility that are important in Lihir as elsewhere in Melanesia (cf Eves 1998; Patterson 2002). Through piot, persons comment on and sanction the movement of others, yet this mobility still occurs.  相似文献   
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In the early fifteenth century, in Marseille's court of first instance, a sailor's wife Margarida Gramone sued her son-in-law's estate to recoup money she had spent nursing her dying daughter and granddaughter. She justified her claim on the money by arguing that she had been completely impoverished by the medicine, doctors and wet nurses that her sick family had needed. She called witnesses to attest to her impoverished state and they told a story of a woman unable to pay her bills and reliant on the charity of her neighbours. Other witnesses in the same case, however, suggest Margarida was not poor, but a woman of means. Attempting to reconcile this discrepancy, this article will examine how Marseille's legally savvy citizens negotiated between at least two different attitudes towards the poor: a Christian celebration of charity and a legal scepticism of a pauper's word. The legal records from late medieval Marseille show a multivalent attitude towards the poor. They suggest that the city's citizens were able to draw on different narratives about poverty in order to win over the presiding judge. At the same time, witness testimony about the poor reminds us that the burden of charity was not always welcomed by Marseille's citizens.  相似文献   
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This article addresses the link between state feminism and democratization in the global South. The authors use the contrasting cases of Chile and Nigeria to show some of the factors that encourage women to exploit the opportunities presented by transitions to democracy, and link the outcome of state feminism to the strategies and discourses available to women during democratization. Based on evidence from the cases analysed, the authors propose that the strategic options available to women are shaped by at least three factors: (1) the existence of a unified women’s movement capable of making political demands; (2) existing patterns of gender relations, which influence women’s access to arenas of political influence and power; and (3) the content of existing gender ideologies, and whether women can creatively deploy them to further their own interests. State feminism emerged in Chile out of the demands of a broad–based women’s movement in a context of democratic transition that provided feminists with access to political institutions. In Nigeria, attempts at creating state feminism have consistently failed due to a political transition from military to civilian rule that has not provided feminists with access to political arenas of influence, and the absence of a powerful women’s movement.  相似文献   
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