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This article addresses the link between state feminism and democratization in the global South. The authors use the contrasting cases of Chile and Nigeria to show some of the factors that encourage women to exploit the opportunities presented by transitions to democracy, and link the outcome of state feminism to the strategies and discourses available to women during democratization. Based on evidence from the cases analysed, the authors propose that the strategic options available to women are shaped by at least three factors: (1) the existence of a unified women’s movement capable of making political demands; (2) existing patterns of gender relations, which influence women’s access to arenas of political influence and power; and (3) the content of existing gender ideologies, and whether women can creatively deploy them to further their own interests. State feminism emerged in Chile out of the demands of a broad–based women’s movement in a context of democratic transition that provided feminists with access to political institutions. In Nigeria, attempts at creating state feminism have consistently failed due to a political transition from military to civilian rule that has not provided feminists with access to political arenas of influence, and the absence of a powerful women’s movement.  相似文献   
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Tanzania Maasai began large‐scale urban labour migration in the mid‐1990s, impelled by livestock losses from disease, drought and land alienation. Although they were readily hired in cities as night watchmen and security guards, many urban citizens expressed condescending views of the migrants, typifying them as ‘unmodern’, and as curious young warriors who were lazy, naive, drunk and dirty. Interviews with about 200 Maasai proved these discursive characterizations to be largely incorrect. Although the State has tried over the last century to ‘develop’ and settle semi‐nomadic pastoralists, the Maasai image is widely used as part of an instrumentalist agenda, to advertise items from telephones to tourism. Lacking political or social capital, the migrants manipulate and reinforce Maasai identity by continuing to wear traditional garments (illkarash), and by engaging in practices that emphasize their difference from the ‘WaSwahili’, bolster cohesion and solidarity among themselves, and increase their chances of urban employment.  相似文献   
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Excavated human bone was exposed to aqueous solutions containing high concentrations of a single added metal ion in order to examine the extent of introduction of contaminating materials during burial. Variables included pH, temperature, ion concentration, state of bone (whole or crushed), structure of buffer, and counterion. Calcium and sodium showed little increase, and even a decrease in some cases. Strontium, zinc, lead, and magnesium showed large increases probably through heteroionic replacement of calcium. Manganese, aluminum, and potassium showed increases, particularly under neutral conditions, probably through infiltration into voids and defects.  相似文献   
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Abstract. Since the First World War, grants of territorial autonomy have been a widespread means by which regimes of diverse ideologies and political cultures have attempted to address the demands of regional cultural communities within their borders. Cantonisation, or asymmetrical decentralisation along territorial-cultural lines, has been a common form of territorial autonomy employed by these states. Yet, despite its importance, little is known about whether and why such cantonisation measures have helped or hindered the search for peace and stability in culturally heterogeneous states. Part of the answer lies in analysing the historical-political contexts, or historical paths, by which cantonisation arrangements have emerged. Comparative analysis identifies five such paths: international settlements; state-building; democratisation or transitions from authoritarian rule; democratic maintenance; and decolonisation. Each of these paths poses distinctive problems for the evolution of the cantonisation arrangement.  相似文献   
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