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41.
This paper investigates how the archaeological site of modern Carthage was (re)produced and (re)appropriated by various interest groups from the early 19th century to the present. It traces the struggle of archaeologists and conservationists to protect Carthage’s ancient ruins within a changing urban environment invariably dominated by Tunisia’s most powerful and influential elites. The paper highlights some controversial issues that have affected the unity of an envisaged archaeological park in the area. In doing so, it brings to the fore the ongoing conflict between the different statuses of Carthage: symbolic capital of Tunisia, historic site, living city and tourist destination. 相似文献
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Stefan Manz 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(4):744-764
This article examines the close connection between Protestantism and nationalism in Imperial Germany within a transnational context. In the years before 1914, the Prussian State Church in particular strengthened the legal and organisational framework for an increasing number of diaspora congregations to become attached. These acted as an important vehicle to embed the nationalist rhetoric produced within the Reich into emigrants' notions of belonging. Whilst previous scholarship has noted this connection in general, the article sheds more detailed light on the mechanics and structure, but also on the limits, of this process. Feedback processes from periphery to centre, in turn, had an impact on German national identity construction as that of a nation that was not confined to state borders. Applying a constructionist theoretical framework, the contested question of whether the heterogeneity of Germans abroad allows for the application of the diaspora concept is answered affirmatively. 相似文献
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Stefan Ramsden 《Family & Community History》2016,19(1):34-49
Historiography of the post-war working classes has tended to underplay the role of industrial workplaces in the community life of many localities. This article uses an oral history case-study of Beverley, East Yorkshire, to show how industrial workplaces could still be central to the construction of social networks and local identity across the three post-war decades. I suggest that the decline of British manufacturing, which gathered pace in the 1970s and 1980s, may have been more detrimental to working-class community life than the supposed post-war shift towards consumerism and individualism. 相似文献
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Stefan Petrow 《The Journal of religious history》2016,40(4):565-588
Tensions between Protestants and Catholics persisted throughout nineteenth‐century Australia. Historians have tended to examine the part played by the clergy, pressure groups or newspapers in sectarian disputes in the main colonies of New South Wales and Victoria. This article contributes to an understanding of anti‐Catholicism in the Australian colonies by focusing on the actions and writings of one Catholic layman, Dr Edward Swarbreck Hall, in mid nineteenth‐century Tasmania. To minimise religious hostility, Hall was tolerant towards Protestants, loyal to the British Crown, and worked co‐operatively with other creeds in helping the poor. This approach made Catholicism more acceptable to Protestant society until the late 1860s. Thereafter religious divisions became more pronounced with the appointment of Irish Bishop Daniel Murphy, who adopted the authoritarian policies of the papacy and asserted the rights of Catholics. Feeling threatened by Catholic assertion and antagonised by Catholic doctrinal beliefs, Evangelical Protestants expressed anti‐Catholic sentiments at public meetings and in newspapers. In showing how Hall defended Catholics when aspersions were cast on their clergymen, their character, or their religious practices, this article concludes that Catholics were not passive victims, but Hall's fierce polemical style worked against his desire for religious peace. 相似文献
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Stefan Feuser 《International Journal of Nautical Archaeology》2011,40(2):256-273
This article summarizes the results of a survey conducted in the area of the ancient harbour of Alexandria Troas. It presents an outline reconstruction of the harbour and explains its significance for our understanding of the region. The harbour is located at the point where two important sea‐routes met and where ships waited for favourable winds to travel through the Dardanelles. It was built in the reign of Augustus and consisted of an outer basin protected by two breakwaters and an inner basin. The area was occupied until the beginning of the 7th century. © 2010 The Author 相似文献
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This article examines attempts to negotiate a perceived residual dominance of settler populations in South Africa and Zimbabwe by means of developmental and cultural policies deemed necessary to restore sovereignty to Africans. Indigenisation has become a preferred strategy for reconstructing post-colonial states in Africa: indigenisation of the economy as part of a Third Chimurenga in Zimbabwe and Black Economic Empowerment in the socio-cultural context of Ubuntu in South Africa. These are issues arising from the regional legacy of contested and uneven transitions to majority rule. Identifying how governments frame the ‘settler problem’, and politicise space in doing so, is crucial for understanding post-colonial politics. Indigenisation in Zimbabwe allows the government to maintain a network of patronage and official rhetoric is highly divisive and exclusivist although couched in terms of reclaiming African values and sovereignty. Revival of Ubuntu as a cultural value system in South Africa facilitates a more positive approach to indigenisation, although Black Economic Empowerment displays elitist tendencies and cultural transformation remains controversial and elusive. The perceived need to anchor policy in socially acceptable (i.e., ostensibly indigenous/traditional) contexts has become a prominent feature of post-colonial politics and is indicative of an indigenous turn in Southern African politics. 相似文献