全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1023篇 |
免费 | 40篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 18篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 42篇 |
2017年 | 38篇 |
2016年 | 36篇 |
2015年 | 40篇 |
2014年 | 38篇 |
2013年 | 254篇 |
2012年 | 26篇 |
2011年 | 28篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 41篇 |
2008年 | 43篇 |
2007年 | 28篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 20篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 23篇 |
2001年 | 20篇 |
2000年 | 12篇 |
1999年 | 13篇 |
1998年 | 12篇 |
1997年 | 12篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 9篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 11篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1991年 | 10篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 10篇 |
1984年 | 17篇 |
1983年 | 10篇 |
1982年 | 9篇 |
1981年 | 9篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 15篇 |
1978年 | 8篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 10篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1972年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有1063条查询结果,搜索用时 93 毫秒
71.
Since we know Sir Edward Heath was forced to impose direct ruleover Northern Ireland in March 1972, before launching his governmentinto a series of highly constructive (if unsuccessful) initiativesthat led to the Sunningdale Agreement, his policy and approachtowards the province during the first 18 months of his premiershiphas rarely been seen as anything other than a tale of miscalculation,poor judgement and political ignorance. However, with the openingup of various official papers over the past few years, it isnow possible to offer a more sympathetic assessment of Heath'searly attempts to deal with the situation in Northern Ireland.This assessment suggests that his policy, far from being barrenand directionless, was beginning to evolve in quite innovativeand radical directions as it sought to stabilize and reformNorthern Ireland, directions that, significantly, pre-figurethe various policy initiatives Heath took after 1972. Theseincluded the pursuit of active cooperation between London andDublin, and between Dublin and Belfast, major political changein Northern Ireland, with the full involvement of the minorityin the governance of the region, and a consideration of futureconstitutional relationships between London, Belfast and Dublin. 相似文献
72.
73.
Benjamin W. Smith 《African Archaeological Review》2001,18(4):187-212
This paper examines the rock art of the nyau secret society of eastern Zambia and central Malai. The art dates principally from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It has been known to researchers since the 1970s but has given up few of its secrets. I examine the questions of why the art was made and why the tradition ceased. Key to answering these is the realization that the art belonged to a specific historical and geographic context: the era and area where nyau was forced to become an underground movement because of its suppression by Ngoni invaders, missions, and the later colonial government. The art provides us with detailed insights into the way nyau has served in the process of overcoming and manipulating the traumatic social changes faced by Chea society in the last few centuries.Cet article examine l'art rupestre de la société secrète de nyau au est du Zambia et Malai centrale. L'art date principalement aux dix-neuvième et bas vingtième siècles. Recherchers ont su l'art depuis les années soixante-dix, mais ils ont appris peu de ses secrets. J'examine les questions de pourquoi l'art était fabriquer et pourquoi la tradition a cessé. Pour résoudre ces questions c'est important à réaliser que l'art était à sa place dans un milieu spécifique d'histoire et géographie: au temps et place où nyau était forcer à devenir un mouvement clandestin à cause de sa répression par les envahisseurs Ngoni, les missions et, plus tard, le gouvernement colonial. L'art nous donne les aperçus détaillé sur comment nyau a servi dans le procès à surmonter et manipuler les changements traumatiques que la société Chea a bravé dans les siècles récents. 相似文献
74.
75.
Peter Smith 《The Journal of religious history》2015,39(3):352-369
A survey of Baha'i global distribution statistics from the time of their first appearance in 1925 up to 1949. No official data for actual Baha'i populations was published at that time, and we have to rely on lists of local Baha'i councils (“spiritual assemblies”) and of places where Baha'is resided to get some sense of Baha'i distribution dynamics. Even this limited data enable us to describe a pattern of overall growth, from a presence in twenty‐nine countries and territories in 1925 to ninety‐two in 1949, from at least 573 localities worldwide in which Baha'is resided in 1928 to 2,315 by 1949, and 102 local spiritual assemblies in 1928 to 595 in 1949. Regional differences in distribution are discussed. The data shows a significant increase in distribution during this period but there is no evidence for any major corresponding increase in Baha'i numbers, such as began to occur from the mid‐1950s onwards. 相似文献
76.
Degrees of Engagement: Using Cultural Worldviews to Explain Variations in Public Preferences for Engagement in the Policy Process
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《政策研究杂志》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Scholars have been studying the concept of public engagement and its role in the policy process for some time. Scholars have argued that understanding the interests and motivations of the public and engaging them in the decision‐making process can lead to better policy designs and, ultimately, better policy outcomes. However, studies of public engagement often assume that people have a desire to get involved in the policy process. This paper tests this key assumption using the case of nuclear facility siting in the United States to ask: what factors influence an individual's stated willingness to want to engage in the policy process? Using data from a national web survey fielded in 2013, we ask the public if and to what extent they would likely engage in the siting process if given the opportunity. Findings indicate that the likelihood of engagement varies rather substantially across individuals. We find that an individual's cultural belief system and existing level of political activity account for some of this variation. These findings suggest that public engagement programs may vary across groups and communities. In other words, the prospects of engagement are likely to appeal to some members of the population and not others. 相似文献
77.
78.
Thomas S.J. Smith 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2017,133(2):130-154
This paper commences a geographical engagement with makerspaces, hacklabs, and other workshop spaces which form part of a broader ‘maker movement’. It examines the arts of inquiry and experimentation found at one such site, drawing on ethnographic field work at the Edinburgh Hacklab, and makes connections with emerging themes of interest to geographers, including creativity, experiment, art, and nonhuman agency. Putting standard innovation-driven narratives of makerspaces into question, attention is instead turned to the events of emergent experimentation and creativity taking place in these spaces. To this end, Andrew Pickering’s concept of ‘ontological theatre’, describing powerful focal instances of agential symmetry between humans and nonhumans, is engaged with, in order to understand the links between Hacklab activities and emergent and complex aspects of nonhuman agency. 相似文献
79.
Rob Garbutt Ros Sten Jenny Smith Dianne Harrington Thelma James Mickey Ryan 《History & Anthropology》2017,28(5):584-604
Neddy Larkin, a Bundjalung man from New South Wales, Australia, was stolen from his grave and in 1891 sold to the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, MA. This paper uses the methodology and concepts outlined in Latour’s An Inquiry into Modes of Existence to chart Neddy Larkin’s transitions from kinsman to scientific data. 相似文献
80.
‘That's What Being A Woman Is For’: Opposition To Marital Rape Law Reform In Late Twentieth‐Century Australia
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Gender & history》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Lisa Featherstone 《Gender & history》2017,29(1):87-103
From 1976 until 1994, Australian states and territories introduced a raft of reforms to sexual assault laws. Most of these were welcomed, and were seen to reflect women's changing status within a modernising society. One reform, however, was especially contentious. The British law had proclaimed that a woman could not be raped within marriage: the marital bond included a husband's right to sexual access to his wife. Following South Australia's lead, all Australian jurisdictions introduced changes to this law, making it a crime to rape a woman within marriage, either before or after separation. It was a fundamental challenge to the way familial authority was conceptualised, established and policed. In a period where feminism had infiltrated many layers of political and social life, we might expect that this change to the law would have been greeted with relief and even celebration. The response to changes to marital rape laws was, however, both muted and ambivalent. Even feminist groups did not offer unequivocal support, and in general public opinion was at best reserved. Further, many conservative groups understood the new laws as an assault on the sanctity of the family itself. Drawing on a wide range of sources in the mainstream and alternative media, as well as parliamentary debates, government enquiries, academic studies and legal reports, this paper will explore the multifarious responses to legislative change. It uncovers the complex ways sexual violence and female bodily autonomy were understood within and beyond the borders and boundaries of the home and family. 相似文献