首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   337篇
  免费   14篇
  2023年   4篇
  2022年   1篇
  2020年   9篇
  2019年   9篇
  2018年   9篇
  2017年   27篇
  2016年   18篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   9篇
  2013年   63篇
  2012年   13篇
  2011年   10篇
  2010年   5篇
  2009年   9篇
  2008年   12篇
  2007年   12篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   8篇
  2004年   9篇
  2003年   7篇
  2002年   12篇
  2001年   9篇
  2000年   7篇
  1999年   6篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   13篇
  1996年   10篇
  1995年   5篇
  1994年   5篇
  1992年   5篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   3篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   2篇
  1982年   3篇
  1981年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
  1976年   2篇
  1973年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
排序方式: 共有351条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
121.
Advocates of education privatization often take two general approaches to denigrating commonplace public school monopoly service provision assignments. One general argument is that public school administrators are self-interested rent-seekers, which is evidenced by the ever-enlarging bureaucracies they operate. This argument has been roundly criticized by Kevin Smith and Kenneth Meier (1994, 1995) in two methodologically rigorous analyses. The second general argument is grounded in the assumption that public school student performance will improve if public schools are forced to compete for enrollment with private school alternatives. The evidence regarding this claim of privatization advocates has been contested in a systematic study of North Carolina school districts, but requires further analysis to determine if these findings can be generalized to school districts writ large. Such a replication study is presented here, with findings reported that are in agreement with those of Newmark (1995).  相似文献   
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
This paper examines three policies of ‘cultural adaptation’ formulated in colonial contexts in the 1920s and 1930s — that of the British Colonial Office for education in Africa, that of the New Zealand Native Schools and that of Maori leaders. While clearly inter-related, these policies were developed and promoted by their respective proponents to serve widely different political goals. Particularly significant is the role played by anthropology in that context. Proponents of all three policies looked to anthropologists for insights and scientific validation of their political agendas. Anthropologists, in turn, not only accepted this role but, particularly in the case of the British Colonial education policy, actively claimed it, involving themselves in the processes of colonial control.  相似文献   
128.
129.
130.
This paper considers the impact of Snow's Two Culture's thesis on debates about the place of science and scientists in society in the latter part of the twentieth century. Debates concerned with the public understanding of science and the ‘science wars’, both of which relied to some extent on the dividing of society into ‘two cultures’, are contextualised within longer efforts by scientists to popularise definitions of science and society and their relationship with other epistemic communities. This paper argues that we should think about all these episodes as part of ongoing rhetorical boundary work, reflective of strains and stressors on science as an institution. The two cultures debate has provided one powerful rhetorical device, amongst many, for ongoing boundary work to establish or question science as the dominant form of knowledge in society and delineate who is allowed to speak for it, and wield its power.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号